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THE
CO-OPERATIVE Wholesale
Societies Limited.
Annual
\y
1915
"Published by
THE co-operative WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED,
I, BALLOON STREET, MANCHESTER;
and
THE SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY
LIMITED,
95. MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW.
PKINTED AND BOUND
BY THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED,
LONGSIGHT, MANCHESTER.
Preface,
AT the time of writing most of the European nations are at
J-\ deadly grips, death and devastation are daily increasing,
and none can discern the end. Still, we deem it well to
pubhsh our Annual as usual, for the principles and truths of
co-operation are steadfast, and to divert the minds of readers from
the carnage of battlefields to the social problems that still await
solution is to render a real service.
The main features of this voluriie are little • altered from those
of its predecessors, but among our illustrations will be found some
interesting photographs of estates acquired by the C.W.S. in
further development of its positions as farmer, landowner, and
fruit grower.
In writing of "^Yomen in Industry," Mr. James Haslam
wisely devotes his efforts to presenting "the living facts as we
have them before us at this moment." The exploitation of female
labour, the remarkable increase in the numbers of women and girls
employed in trades previously monopolised by males, and other
phases of the subject are presented in a vivid and impressive form.
The article proves itself an invaluable contribution upon an urgent
social problem.
Mr. Money's intention in writing upon "Our National ^Yealth:
The Conditions of its Continuance" is "to trace in broad outlines
the circumstances which have made Britain what she is, and to
show in their true perspective the factors which constitute our
strength or our weakness." Touching upon the rise of Britain as
an industrial powej;" due to our great national assets in coal and
iron, Mr. Money passes on to deal critically with the national
wealth, its distribution and the comparative failure of production.
At the close of a live and stimulating article, the author's
conclusion is thus stated: "Co-operation . . . can eliminate
all unnecessary costs, and, informed and inspired by scientific
management, produce the greatest amount of material wealth with
the least expenditure of labour."
The views expressed by Mr. H. M. Richardson on Continuation
Education are no doubt controversial. It is well that opinions
contrary to the popular conception of the value of such education
should be heard and considered, and the appeal is made to-
, Preface.
co-operators for a new estimate of the aims of knowledge. He
says: "The nation which first teaches its democracy to think, to
know itself, its history, its conflicting potentialities, the why and
wherefore of social disturbances — that nation, in the course of a
few generations, will be, if not the greatest, the happiest in the
world.
Within the compass of twenty-six pages Mr. Pollard contrives
to give very interesting glimpses of the great civilisations of
the past, touching upon their rise and decline and their main
characteristics. The relative positions of the peoples of the various
nations to their rulers are explained, and parallels and comparisons
•drawn between the conditions prevailing among these ancient
peoples and our own time, besides much information as to their
habits and customs.
Of the special articles that by Mr. H. Clement Gray, on "The
Cost of Living," is directly concerned with co-operative theory
and practice. The many causes of rising prices are discussed,
among them being currency, increased consumption and wages,
supply and demand, combines, and others. The question of the
ability of co-operation to provide an effectual remedy is considered
from the standpoint of a candid friend. Mr. Gray knows well the
potentiality of the movement if wisely used, but he is also equally
well acquainted with the l^indrances besetting the path of progress,
and thus justifies trenchant criticism. The value of a national
co-operative society is strongly advocated in the course of the
article.
Mr. Porritt in his article on "The Handling and Transportation
of the Canadian Grain Crop ' ' provides a mass of interesting
information, chiefly relating to the history of grain elevators.
The subject does not at first sight seem to promise much attraction
to the average reader, but the narration of the efforts of the growers
to avoid exploitation in the various provinces, and the impression
made by the gigantic figures relating to the grain production, do
certainly impart elements of real and vital import.
The final article, written by Mr. J. J. Dunne on "What
Co-operative Dairying has done for Denmark," affords striking
evidence of the value of the united action, backed up by scientific
methods, which has placed Denmark foremost among butter-
producing countries.
We trust that this volume of the Anyiual will be found worthy
to rank with its predecessors.
THE COMMITTEE.
List of Maps, Diagrams, Plates, €rc.
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY.
PAGE
Diagram : Comparison of the Sales of Wholesale and Retail Co-operation xiii.
„ Fifty-one Years' Progress of Co-operation xiv.
„ Fifty Years' Progress of the Co-operative Wholesale Society
Limited xvi.
Map of the World, showing Foreign and Colonial Depdts xviii^
Map of the United Kingdom, showing Depots, &c., of the WTiolesale
Societies xx^
Manchester :
Original Balloon Street Premises 2
Bird's-eye View of Central Premises 3
Mitchell Memorial Hall, Boardroom, Offices, &c.. Corporation Street 4
Balloon Street and Garden Street 7
Drapery Warehouses, Balloon Street 8
Original Dantzic Street Premises 10
Dantzic Street: Woollens, Ready -mades. Mantles, Millinery,
Carpets, &-c 11
Traff ord Bacon Factory and Wharf 12
Grocery Packing Warehouse, TrafTord Park 15
Broughton Building, Traffic Departments, &c 16
E. and S. C.W.S. Joint Insurance Department, Corporation Street .. 19
Newcastle :
West Blandford Street 20
Waterloo Street in 1876 21
Waterloo Street and Thornton Street 23
Quayside 24
Stowell Street 27
Bird's-eye View of Pelaw Works 28
Pelaw Drug and Drysaltery Works 31
London :
Leman Street 32
Bacon Stoves, &c 35
Fairclough Street 36
Bird's-eye View of Silvertown Factories 39
Silvertown Productive Factory 40
Bristol Depot, Broad Quay 43
Cardiff Depot, Bute Terrace 44
New Depot, Cardiff 47
Northampton Saleroom, 41, Guildhall Road 48
Nottingham Saleroom, Friar Lane 51
Birmingham Saleroom, 16, Pershore Street 52
Huddersfield Saleroom, 14, Upperhead Row 55-
Longton (Staffs.) Crockery Depot 66-
Pontef ract Fellmongering W^orks 59-
Limerick Depot, Mulgrave Street 60
V.
List of Mcq^s, Diagra7ns, Plates, &c.
PAGE
Armagh Depot, Dobbin Street 63
Tralee Egg and Butter Depot, Pembroke Street 64
Tralee Bacon Factory, Rock Street 67
Esbjerg (Denmark) Depot 68
Odense Depo t 71
Herning Bacon Factory 72
Sydney Tallow Works 75
Denia (Spain) Depot, Calle Gayarre 76
London : Tea Department 79
Luton Cocoa and Chocolate Works 80
Crumpsall Biscuits, Cakes, Jellies, and Sweets Works 83
Preserve, Marmalade, and Peel Works, Middleton Junction 84
Vinegar Brewery and Pickle and Sauce Factory, Middleton Junction . 87
Leicester Wheatsheaf Boot and Shoe Works 88
Leicester (Duns Lane) Boot and Shoe Works 91
Enderby Boot and Shde Works 92
Heckmondwike Boot, Shoe, and Currying Works 95
Rushden Boot and Shoe Works 96
Leeds Boot and Shoe Works 99
Irlam Soap, Candle, Glycerine, Lard, and Starch Works 100
Silvertown (London) Soap Works 103
Dunston-on-Tyne Soap Works 104
Batley Woollen Cloth Factory 107
Leeds Clothing Factory 108
Broughton (Manchester) Tailoring Factory Ill
Pelaw Clothing Factory 112
London Clothing Factory 115
Leeds Brush and Mat Works 116
Brislington Butter Factory 119
Dunston-on-Tyne Flour Mills 120
Silvertown (London) Flour Mill 123
Sun Flour and Provender Mills, Trafford Wharf 124
Star Flour Mill, Oldham 127
Avonmouth (Bristol) Flour and Provender Mills 128
Manchester : Broughton Shirt and Cabinet Factories 131
Pelaw Cabinet Works 132
Manchester: Broughton Mantle and Underclothing Factories 135
Desborough Corset Factory 136
Manchester: Longsight Printing Works 139
Pelaw Printing Works 140
Leicester Printing Works 143
West Hartlepool Lard Refinery, &c 144
Littleborough Flannel Factory 147
Manchester Tobacco Factory 148
Hucknall Huthwaite Hosiery Factory 151
Bury Weaving Shed 152
Radcliffe Weaving Shed 155
Keighley Ironworks 156
Dudley Bucket and Fender Works 159
vi.
List of Maps, Diagrams, Plates, &c.
PAGE
Birtley Tinplate Works 160
Rochdale Paint, Colour, and Varnish Works 163
S.S. "Fraternity" 164
S.S. "New Pioneer" ,.. 167
Roden Convalescent Home 168
Roden Tomato Houses 171
Wisbech Fruit Depot, South Brink 172
Coldham Estate, near Wisbech: Views of the Farms 175
Harden Estate and Views of the Fruit Farm 176
Chaigeley Manor and Views of the Estate 179
Mahavilla Tea Factory 180
Mahavilla Bungalow 182
Weliganga Tea Estate , 183
SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY.
First Central Premises Owned by the Society 290
Orocery and Provision Warehouse, Coal and Building Departments'
Offices, 119, Paisley Road, Glasgow 291
Registered Office and Furniture Warehouse, 95, Morrison Street,
Glasgow 292
Grocery and Provision Warehouse, Links Place, Leith 295
Orocery and Provision Warehouse, Grange Place, Kilmarnock 296
Grocery and Provision Warehouse, Seagate, Diindee 299
Enniskillen Branch: Central Premises 300
Drapery Warehouse, Dundas Street, Wallace Street, and Paterson
Street, Glasgow 303
Drapery Warehouse, Wallace and Paterson Streets, Glasgow. (Another
view) 304
Productive Factories, Paterson Street, Glasgow 307
New Stationery Warehouse, Morrison Street, Glasgow 308
Furniture and Furnishing Showrooms, Chambers Street, Edinburgh ... 311
Productive Works, Shieldhall, Govan 312
New Frontage and Printing Department, Shieldhall 315
Boot Factory, Shieldhall 316
Cabinet Factory, Shieldhall 319
Dining-rooms and Ready-made Clothing Factory, Shieldhall 32 0
Chancelot Roller Flour Mills, Edinburgh 323
Junction Meal and Flour Mills, Leith 324
Regent Roller Flour Mills, Glasgow 327
Gram Elevators, Winnipeg, Canada 328
Ettrick Tweed and Blanket Mills, Selkirk 331
Soap Works, Grangemouth 332
Hosiery Factory, Leith 335
Creamery and Margarine Factory, Bladnoch, Wigtownshire. .., 336
Fish-Curing Works, Aberdeen 339
Dress Shirt Factory and Laundry, Potterhill, Paisley 340
Calderwood Castle and Estate 343
Diagrams showing Progress of Society since Commencement 345
vii.
Index,
PAGE
Accidents, Railway 618
Acts, Public, Passed, 1914 596
Administrations from December, 1783 623
Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons, Some. — By Bedford Pollard .. 489
Articles —
Cost of Living, The : The Co-operative Movement and Its Mission. —
By H. Clement Gray 515
Handling and Transportation of the Canadian Grain Crop, The. —
By Edward Porritt 545
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of Its Continuance. — By
L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P 449
Problem of Continuation Education, The. — By H. M. Richardson 471
Some Ancient CiviHsations and their Lessons. — By Bedford
PoUard 489
What Co-operative Dairying has done for Denmark. — By J. J.
Dunne 568
Women in Industry. — By James Haslam 419
Bank Holidays 642
Barometer Instructions 626
Births, Marriages, and Deaths, Registers of 642
Calendar for 1915 643
Calendar, Principal Articles of 641
Canadian Grain Crop, The Handling and Transportation of the.—
By Edward Porritt 545
Congresses, Co-operative .• 398
Consolidated Stock, Average Price of 602
Continuation Education, The Problem of. — By H. M. Richardson 471
Contributions which have appeared in " The Co-operative Wholesale
Societies' Annual," from 1885 to 1915 644
Co-operative Congresses 39S
Co-operative Congresses, International 415
Co-operative Congresses, Papers read at 401
Co-operative Progress, 1862 to 1912 (United Kingdom) 585
Co-operative Societies, Summary of Law relating to 415
Co-operative Union: Its Principles and Constitution 414
Co-operative Wholesale Societies-
English. Scottish.
Advantages of Membership ... 363
Annual Return, Abstract of, for Year ended
December 27th, 1913 224 ...
Index.
Co-operative Wholesale Societies {con.
i
English. Scottish.
Artisan Clothing Factory • • • 376
Auditors, Past 216 ...
Biscuits, Sweets, &c.. Works, Crumpsall 82,236 ...
Bonus to Labour • •• 395
Boot and Shoe Department 228,277 ... 372
Boot and Shoe Works :
Leicester 89-90,262 ...
Heckmondwike 94, 264 ...
Rushden 97,264 ...
Sliieldhall •• 317,380
Brush Factories 117,266 ... 382
Bucket and Fender Works, Dudley 158,268 ...
Business Notices, &c ... 288, 361-3
Business Premises, &c 185-90 ... 284-5
Cabinet Works :
Broughton 130,266 ...
Pelaw 133, 272 ...
ShieldhaU ... 318,381
Coal Department 276 . . .
Committees, Auditors, and Scrutineers 191 ... 286
Committees, Past Members of 212-4 . . .
Committee,Membersof,whoDied during Office 215 ...
Confectionery Works ... 386
Corset Factory, Desborough 137, 254
Creameries, Bladnoch and Whithorn ... 337, 392
Drapery Department ' 9,10,227,277 ... 302-5,371
Employes in Departments 196-9 . . . 393
Events in connection with the Wholesale
Society in 1915, Coming 200 ...
Events, Record of 201-7 ...
Fish Curing Works ... 338,391
Flannel Mills 146, 252 ...
Flour Mills:
Dunston 121, 242 ...
Silvertown 122,244 ...
Manchester S\m Flour 125,244 ...
Oldham Star 126,246 ...
Avonmouth 129, 246 ...
Chancelot ... 322, 387
Junction ... 325,388
Regent ... 326,389
Furnishing Department 229, 277 ... 293, 310, 373
Grocery Department 14,226,276 ...294-9,367-70
Hosiery Factory 150,254 ... 334,378
Ironworks, Keighley 157,268
Lard Refinery 145,248 ...
London Branch 32-37, 233-5, 280-1 ...
Index.
PAGE
Co-operative Wholesale Societies (con.) — ^ ^^~- ■ .
English. Scottish.
Mantle Factory 134 ... 377
Newcastle Branch 21-31, 230-2, 278-9 . . .
Officers and Departments 1 92-5 . . . 287
Paint, &c., Works 162,270 ...
Preserve, &c., Works 85-6,238 ... 385
Printing Works :
Longsight 138,250 ...
Pelaw 141,252 ...
Leicester 142, 250 ...
Shieldhall ... 314, 383
Progress of the Wholesale Societies 21 8-2 1 ... 365-6
Reserve Fund Account 222
Scrutineer, Past 216 ...
Shirt Factories 130,256 ... 341,375
Soap, Candle, &c.. Works:
Irlam 101, 238 ...
Silvertown 102,240 ...
Dunston 105, 240 ...
Grangemouth ... 333, 390
Tailoring Factories :
Leeds 109,260 ...
Broughton 110,260 ...
Pelaw 113, 272 ...
Shieldhall ... 321, 374
Telegraphic Addresses 208 ...
Telephonic Communication 210 ...
Tinplate Works, Birtley 161,270 ...
Tobacco Factory 149, 248
Trade Terms, Conditions of Membership, &c.
Underclothing Factory
Union Bank of Scotland, Branches
Weaving Sheds:
Bury 153,
Radcliffe 154,
Woollen Department 228,
Woollen Mills, Batley 106,256 ...
Cost of Living, The: The Co-operative Movement and Its Mission. —
By H. Clement Gray 515
Customs Tariff 599
Death Duties, The 606
Denmark, What Co-operative Dairying has done for. — By J. J. Dunne 568
Discount, Average Minimum Rate per Cent, of 603
Dunne, J. J. — MTiat Co-operative Dairying has done for Denmark 568
Duties, Customs, in the United Kingdom 599
248 ...
384
362
134 ...
379
...
364
258 ...
258 ...
277 ...
Index.
PAGE
Eclipses 642
Education, The Problem of Continuation. — By H. M. Richardson 471
Expectation of Life 614
Grain Crop, The Handling and Transportation of the Ccuiadian. — By
Edward Porritt 545
Gray, H. Clement. — The Cost of Living: The Co-operative Movement
and its Mission 515
Haslam, James. — Women in Industry 419
Holidays, Bank '. 642
Income and Expenditure of the United Kingdom, year ending March
31st, 1914 598
Income imder Review by Inland Revenue 625
Intestate, Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dying, are
Distributed 609
Intestate, Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the
Movable Estate of a Person who has Died 611
King and Royal Family 622
Land, Dealings with 604
Law Relating to Societies, Sunmiary of the 415
Law Sittings 642
Life, Expectation of 614
Meteorological Tables 629-634
Money, L. G. Chiozza, M.P. — Our National Wealth: The Conditions
of its Continuance '. 449
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance. — By
L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P 449
Parliaments of the United Kingdom 622
PoUard, Bedford. — Some Ancient CiviHsations and their Lessons 489
Population, Total, of the United Kingdom 619
Porritt, Edward. — The Handling and Transportation of the Canadian
Grain Crop 545
Presidents of the L^nited States of America 624
Price of Two-and-a-Half per Cent. ConsoUdated Stock 602
k Progress of Co-operation (United Kingdom) 585
Public Acts Passed, 1914 596
Railway Accidents 618
Rainfall, Tabulated Statements of 635
Registers of Births, Marriages, and Deaths '642
Richardson, H. M. — The Problem of Continuation Education 471
xi.
Illd
ex.
PAGE
Royal Family, The King and 622
Rules by which the Personal Estates of Persons Dying Intestate are
Distributed 609
Rules of Division according to the Law of Scotland of the Movable
Estate of a Person who has Died Intestate 611
Terms and Abbreviations Commonly Used in Business 640
Tide Table, Liverpool 636
Tide Table, Goole 638
Time all over the World 625
Union, Co-operative, its Principles, and an Account of 414
United Kingdom, the Public Income and Expenditure, Year ending
March 31st, 1914 : 598
United Kingdom, Customs Tariff of the 599
United Kingdom, Parliaments of the 622
United Kingdom, Population of the 619
United States, Presidents of 624
Wealth, Our National: The Conditions of its Continuance. — By
L. G. Chiozza Money, M.P 449
Women in Industry. — By James Haslam 419
Wrecks, United Kingdom : 620-1
Comparative Progress of Wholesale and Retail
Co-operative Societies in the United Kingdom.
YEARS 6234 5 6 789701 2 34 5 87 89801 2 3 4567899012 345678 9191 2 34 56 789101112
Mill-
ions
KOI*
90
85
80
75
70
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
Xat&il
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i
i
90
85
80
75
70
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
FIFTY-ONE YEARS' PROGRESS OF CO-OPERATIVE
SOCIETIES IN THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Sales.
Years. &
1862 2,333,523
1863 2,673,778
1864 2,836,606
1865 3,373,847
1866 4,462,676
1867 6,001,153
1868 7,122,360
1869 7.353,363
1870 8,201,685
1871 9,463,771
1872 13,012,120
1873 15,639,714
1874 16,374,053
1875 18,499,901
1876 19,921,054
1877 21,390,447
1878 21,402,219
1879 20,382,772
1880 23,248,314
1881 24,945,063
1882 27,541,212
1883 29,336,028
1884 30,424,101
1885 31,305,910
1886 32,730,745
1887 34,483,771
Total Sales in the Fifty-one Years,)
1862 to 1912 )
Profits in the Fifty one)
Years, 1862 to 1912 J
Total
Sales.
Ykark. a,
1888 37,793,903
1889 40,674,673
1890 43.731,669
1.891 49,024,171
1892 51,060,854
1893 51,803,836
1894 52,110,800
1895 55,100,249
1896 59,951,635
1897 64,956,049
1898 68,523,969
1899 73,533,686
1900 81,020,428
1901 85,872,706
1902 89,772,923
1903 93,384,799
1904 96,263,328
1905 98,002,565
1906 102,408,120
1907 111,239,503
1908 113,090,337
1909 115,159,630
1910 118,448,910
1911 123,526,351
1912 130,499,145
£2,441,414,425
£234,617,537
STATISTICAL POSITION OF CO-OPERATIVE
SOCIETIES IN THE UNITED KINGDOM,
December 31st, 1912.
Compiled from Uie Returns made by Societies to the Registrar and
Co-operative Union.
Number of Members 3,167,682 £
Share Capital .
Loan Capita i
S3,les for 1912
Net Profits for 1912
lVv{»ted to Education,
1912
40,822,192
23,657,247
130,499,145
13,372,501
98,169
Fifty-one Years' Progress of Co-operative Societies
in the United Kingdom.
YEARS 6234 5 6 7 8 9701 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9801 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9901 2 34 6 8 78 9191 2 34 fi6 789101112
MUI-
lons
130
125
120
116
1110
105
too
95
90
85
80
75
70
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
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YEARS 62 3456789 7m9aifiR7RQRm9!lififi78Q9ni9345B7891912S456 7 8 9101112
FIFTY YEARS' PROGRESS OF THE
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED.
Years.
1864 (w~J
1865
1866 ......
1867 (w«J
1868
1869
1870 (w^,.)
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876 U.-,J
1877
1878
1879 (we^.s)
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884 (we^^eJ
1885
1886
1887
1888
Sales.
£51,857
120,754
175,489
331,744
412,240
507,217
677,734
758,764
1,153,132
1,636,950
1,964,829
2,247,395
2,697,366
2,827,052
2,705,625
2,645,331
3,339,681
3,574,095
4,038,238
4,546,889
4,675,371
4,793,151
5,223,179
5,713,235
6,200,074
Years.
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1907
1908
1909
1910
1911
1912
1913
( 68
VWeeka
Sales.
) £7,028,944
7,429,073
8,766,430
9,300,904
9,526,167
9,443,938
(w^J 10,141,917
11,115,056
11,920,143
12,574,748
14,212,375
16,043,889
(wlU 17,642,082
18,397,559
19,333,142
19,809,196
20,785,469
22,510,035
(we^ J 24,786,568
24,902,842
25,675,938
26,567,833
27,892,990
) 29,732,154
31,371,976
(weeks,
Total Sales in the Fifty Years,) £}At\t\ orio '^g^ix
1864 TO 1913 1 ^^^^^3JiTS,l%3\3
Total Profits in the Fifty Yeabs.)
1864 to 1913
£8,455,202
STATISTICAL POSITION OF THE CO-OPERATIVE
WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED,
December 27th, 1913.
Number of Societies holding Shares 1,168
Number of Members belonging to Shareholders . . .2,272,496
Share Capital (Paid up)
Loans and Deposits
Reserve Fund — Trade and Bank
Insurance Fund
Sales for the Year 1913
Net Profits for Year 1913
£
2,039,054
5,082,790
811,816
877,479
31,371,976
636.119
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Map of the World, showing
» JOINT WITH SCOTTISH WHOLESALE SOCIETY
Foreign and Colonial Depots.
O JOINT WITH SCOTTISH WHOLESALE SOCIETY
■ • CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY
Map of the United Kingdom, showing
Depots, &c., of the Wholesale Societies.
Business Premises,
6-c.,
OWNED BY
THE CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETY LIMITED.
Central Premises,
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Original Balloon Street Premises.
TN 1869 the Co-operative Wholesale Society built the premises
■*■ shown in the illustration heading this page, in which to carry
on its fast-growing business. For six years after 1863, when
the Society's career began, its work was performed in rented
buildings, but when the trade reached nearly £300,000 per annum
the Committee felt emboldened to the extent of building the
Balloon Street property. At that time the only other C.W.S.
buildings existing were small depots for the pmxhasing of butter
at Tipperary and Kilmallock, in Ireland.
In fifty years the business has made rapid strides ; almost
every year has seen extensions, developments, or new enterprises
launched, and now all the premises portrayed on the following
pages are the property of the C.W.S.
In the second illustration Balloon Street runs up between the
two main blocks, and the original building is that at the top of
the street on the right-hand side surmounted by a glass dome. Up
to the year 1885 this warehouse towered above an environment of
slum property. At the rear was "Clock Alley," a court lined with
old cottages, and leading to Corporation Street; little public-houses
and coal yards, a cotton-waste warehouse and miscellaneous small
buildings were adjacent. All these have been supplanted by the
buildings of the C.W.S. In the right-hand block the Bank
Si
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CENTRAL PREMISES-con/mae(f.
occupies a considerable portion of the ground floor; above this
the grocery saleroom and buyers' offices are situated, and the
remainder of the premises house part of the Furnishing and the
Stationery Departments. The furnishing showrooms exhibit
samples of practically every article that can be included under
that denomination, from suites for the drawing-room to flat-irons,
literally too numerous to mention. Societies in the vicinity of
Manchester are able to send prospective customers to inspect
the stocks, thus enabling the members of a small village Store
to gain the same advantages as are enjoyed by city folk. Carpets,
rugs, plate, and jewellery are all to be found here. The Stationery
Department supplies Societies with wrapping paper, twine, and
paper bags, besides all kinds of fancy stationery. Recreation is
also dealt in, for this department will provide concerts, or organise
excursions for holiday makers.
The buildings on the left of Balloon Street are shown on a
larger scale in the illustration opposite. Here, again, several
mean and insanitary courts and alleys have been demolished to
give place to a fine pile facing Corporation Street. At the top
is the Mitchell Memorial Hall, named after Mr. J. T. ^Y. Mitchell,
who died in 1895, having been Chairman of the C.W.S. for
twenty-one years. The Hall is 107ft. long, G7ft. wide, and 33ft.
in height; it will seat 1,200 persons. The first Quarterly Meeting
held here was in September, 1907. The floors below the Hall
are occupied by the Board and Committee Eooms, the Secretary's
and General Offices, and the basement provides a commodious
Dining-hall, rendered bright and attractive by dint of many mirrors
and white enamel paint.
The Architect's Department is located in this building. A
large and efficient staff is constantly occupied with work for the
C.W.S. and retail Societies.
Nearly 2,500 employes are engaged in earning their daily
bread at the Central premises.
Balloon Street and Garden Street*
/^N either side of this building will be noticed the words
^^ ''Co-operative Wholesale Society;" these mark the
limits of the warehouse acquired in 1869. The Grocery
Department is in possession of the major portion of this
block. Here are held stocks of all goods coming under
the head of grocery, in variety too great to enumerate.
An extensive trade is done in packed goods, and a small
regiment of damsels is kept busily occupied in filling
packets of convenient size with rice, tapioca, canary-seed,
linseed, oatmeal, and self-raising flour; 150 tons of this
latter commodity is the average weekly output. This
department will in the course of three or four months be
removed to the new Packing Warehouse at Trafford Park.
Situated on the upper floors and basement of the
building fronting Balloon Street is the Boot and Shoe
Department. Here one may find 220,000 pairs of
footgear for men, women, boys, girls, and infants in
immense variety of patterns, drawn from the factories
at Leicester, Heckmondwike, Enderby, Pushden, and
Leeds.
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Drapery Warehouses, Balloon Street*
'"pHESE warehouses are at the corner of Balloon Street
■*• and Federation Street, a thoroughfare created by the
C.W.S., and a name conferred upon it that has a deep
significance to all co-operators.
With the completion of the new warehouse on the
right-hand side of Federation Street, the C.^Y.S. occupies
the whole of Balloon Street with buildings erected under
its own direction. The general effect of the smart
modern buildings is naturally much enhanced by the
widening of the street, in itself a great improvement to a
busy thoroughfare.
The new premises will add 83,000 square feet of
accommodation for the drapery departments, and be
devoted to fancy drapery, the warehouse opposite being
also for drapery, but the heavier descriptions will be
dealt vvith here.
From the topmost floors to the basements they are
stocked with a huge variety of goods, including everything
that should find a place in a well-equipped Drapery Store.
The vagaries of fashion are kept closely in view by
the buyers in the various departments, and hard indeed to
satisfy would be the customer whose requirements the
C.W.S. failed to meet. This remark applies not only to
the bewildering variety of materials drawn from world-
wide sources, but also with equal force to the productions
made in the C.W.S. Factories. There is also the added
satisfaction in this respect that the C.W.S. goods are
made under known conditions of healthy surroundings.
Drapery, &c., Departments, Dantzic Street*
Original Dantzic Street Premises.
HTHE C.W.S. entered into the drapery trade in 1873, and
with such success that a warehouse in Dantzic Street was
secured in 1875. At this time the business in drapery and
woollen cloth amounted to £114,000 annually. Additions were
constantly made to adapt the premises to the growing demands
until the building reached its present dimensions. It was not
long, however, before the cry was again raised for more room,
and the fine drapery w^arehouse in Balloon Street was erected
and opened in 1904.
The premises are occupied by the Woollens, Eeady-mades,
and Shirts Departments. The ready-mades are all from the
O.W.S. Factories at Broughton or Leeds, and the cloth from
various sources, amongst others the C.W.S. Batley Mill and the
Scottish C.W\S. Ettrick Mills. From this department the male
co-operator can be completely supplied with all the articles
demanded by necessity or custom.
10
Bacon Factory, Trafford Wharf.
"DACON rolling and smoking was carried on in the Balloon
■*-^ Street warehouse for many years until the exigencies of space
made it necessary to find better accommodation. With this end
in view, a plot of land was secured on the banks of the Ship
Canal, adjacent to the Sun Mill, and here a factory was built,
which has now been in use about nine years.
The Trafford Wharf Factory is not a curing house. So far
as the C.W.S. is concerned, curing is done at the C.W.S.
Factories in Tralee (Ireland) and Herning (Denmark). At Tralee
every week about 1,000 pigs are killed and twice as many sides
of bacon cured. These are despatched to the C.W.S. at Trafford
Wharf, London, Bristol, Cardiff, and Newcastle. To meet the
demand for smoked bacon there are eighteen etoves of the latest
and best pattern.
There are about 70 employes engaged mainly in the making
of rolls, and the weight of bacon and hams dealt with weekly
varies from 120 tons to 140 tons.
THE TRANSPORT WAREHOUSE AND WHARF
has a frontage to the canal of 460 feet, the buildings occupying
360ft. by 60ft. The premises and site were acquired in July,
1903, and the warehouse is now well equipped for receiving,
storing, and despatching the various commodities. Five electric
cranes lift the goods from the hold of ship or barge to the
warehouse, and deposit them in railway wagons on the quayside
or transfer them to lurries. The permanent staff of 23 is
augmented by casual labour at busy times, as in the dried fruit
season, until as many as 200 workers may be employed, and these
deal with an average of 15,000 tons of merchandise yearly. The
C.W.S. is, we believe, the only firm which possesses its own
accommodation at the Manchester Docks.
THE ENGINEERING WORKS
is another section of the Trafford Park group. It was originally
a repair shop, but now deals mostly with new work, and modern
tools have been installed for undertaking general engineering,
electrical work, and millwrighting in all its branches. The
Engineers' Department at Balloon Street act as consulting,
mechanical, electrical, and heating and ventilating engineers for
complete installations, reports being made on existing work, and
plans and specifications prepared for repairs or new work.
13
Grocery Packing Warehouse,
Trafford Park^
npHIS building occupies a site fronting Trafford Park
•*• Road, and lying between Sun Mill and the Bacon
Warehouse. It has railway accommodation directly
connected with the Ship Canal and Trafford Park
Eailways. The building is six storeys in height, each floor
being 217ft. Gin. long by 54ft. 6in. wide. Being a
detached building, it has the advantage of being well
lighted by windows all round. There are two fireproof
-staircases, one at each end of the building, which give
ample protection to the employes in case of fire, and two
electric cage hoists and one sack hoist. Each department
is provided with suitable accommodation for washing,
&c., and in addition there are men's and women's
dining-rooms.
It is expected that these premises will be ready for
occupation about March or April, when the work will
be removed from Balloon Street. Among the many
advantages conferred by the new building will be the
direct transition by conveyor from the Sun Mill of the
flour used in making the popular "Federation" self-raising
flour, 150 tons being the average weekly output. The
improved facilities will enable us to deal not only more
expeditiously with goods, but also with greatly increased
trade, which we are confidently anticipating.
14
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Broughton Building, Traffic
Departments, &c.
'T'HE Building Department sprang from the remains of
■■• the Union Land and Building Society, which failed
in 1880. The C.W.S., being large mortgagees, took
over some of the assets, among which were building
materials, and a department was formed at Balloon
Street, which was chiefly confined to repair work. The
first building of any magnitude erected by the department
was the extension of the original Balloon Street premises.
Since then its achievements have been numerous, the
chief of which was the erection of the imposing Central
Of&ces, &c., shown in the bird's-eye view on another
page. The department was removed to Broughton in
January, 1913, and now, in addition to C.W.S. work, it
contracts in the open market for the work of retail
Societies. All equipments are to be found at Broughton
for the making of shop fronts and fittings, and many
Societies' new premises bear testimony to the artistic
and substantial quality of the work. All the branches of
the trade are represented — draughtsmen, clerks, joiners,
plumbers, masons, &c. — and, with the perfect organisation
and centralisation of the work, many economies both in
time and cost are effected.
The traffic department is an essential adjunct to an
institution of the magnitude of the C.W.S. Here,
again, beginnings were very humble, but naturally the
department has grown with the trade, and has also kept
abreast w^ith the times, for in addition to the numerous
horses, drays, &c., a large fleet of motor lurries are housed
at Broughton, but as yet the Society has not engaged in
air traction. The department specialises in quick transit
of perishable goods and direct conveyance of fragile goods
to save handling in transit.
The description of the Broughton Factories would be
incomplete without mention of the spacious dining-room.
Here accommodation is found for 800 employes, and
meals can be obtained at a tariff which is suited to the
pockets of the workers. During the winter months social
functions are frequently held to promote good fellowship
among the employes.
17
E*&S*C*W»S» Joint Insurance Dept<
(late CJ.S.),
Corporation Street, Manchester.
'T'HE history of the Co-operative Insurance Society
is a record of honourable and useful work for
co-operation. The Society was registered in 1867, under
the Companies Act, and both Societies and individuals
were admitted to membership. In 1872 business first
was done through paid agents ; and in 1875 the policy of
re-insuring risks first was adopted. In 1899, following
the Industrial and Provident Societies Act of 1893, the
company was converted into a Co-operative Society, and
all forms of insurance were undertaken, while branches
subsequently were opened in Scotland and in England
north and south. The year 1904 witnessed the
materialising of the happy idea of collective insurance.
From 1905 a movement for the unification of co-operative
insurance had been afoot, and, after several years of
discussion at conferences and meetings, the business was
transferred to the joint control of the two Wholesale
Societies.
For the first four years the office was at the Eochdale
Pioneers' store, but 1871 saw its removal to Manchester.
Various premises were occupied and deserted as the
demands of business grew, until the final move into its
present home took place in 1908.
18
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Newcastle Branchy
Newcastle Branch, Waterloo Street, in 1876.
'T'HE Newcastie-upon-Tyne Branch was established in
•*■ 1871, or exactly eight years aft^r rhe inception of
the C.W.S. at Manchester. Business was commenced in
a small four-roomed warehouse, but, with a rapidity
characteristic of the institution, the trado outgrew the
accommodation, and it was thereupon decided to build the
^Yaterloo Street warehouse, the occupation of which was
entered into in 1876. That, too, only sufficed for a time,
and eventually it became necessary to erect the larger
warehouse in West Blandford Street.
WEST BLANDFORD STREET.
The West Blandford Street buildings are devoted to
the Grocery, Provision, Boot and Shoe, Woollens and
Eeady-mades, Manchester and Greys, Dress, and Paper
and Stationery Departments, as well as the General
Offices, Boardrooms, Meeting Hall, and Dining-room..
21
^ Newcastle Branch — continued.
In the centre of the main buildings is a spacious
covered-in yard, where the receiving and despatching of
all goods is conducted. Further up the street will be
found the Motor Garage and Stables, and also a building
where the Saddlery and Leather Bag-making Departments
are located.
WATERLOO AND THORNTON STREETS.
As the name in the illustration implies, the building
on the left, which stands in Thornton Street, is occupied
by the Furnishing and Carpets Department, whilst the
other— the Waterloo Street building — accommodates the
Millinery and Fancy Drapery, and Jewellery and Fancy
Hardware Departments.
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Newcastle-upon-Tyne Quayside
Warehouse*
'' I ^HE erection of this building was commenced in 1900
"*■ and completed in 1902. It originally consisted of
eight floors, but in 1909 an extension became necessary,
-and the roof, which had hitherto been flat, was covered
in. The building is 90ft. wide by 120ft. long, and the
height from floor to ceiling on each floor is a little over
lift. It is capable of warehousing between 7,000 and
■8,000 tons. Being conveniently situated to the river and
in close proximity to that part of the quay where the
London, Continental, and other regular lines of steamers
•discharge their cargoes, it has proved to be a great boon
to the departments it serves. One of the floors is used
as a bonded store for the warehousing of dutiable goods,
and it is, of course, only open during regulation hours.
There are loading and discharging platforms fronting the
quayside, and also at the back, which opens out into
Sandgate. All goods on account of the Grocery, Butter,
and No. 1 Grain Departments are dealt with by the staff
there, and machinery has been installed for cleaning
fruit, grain, &c.
Green Fruit and Potato Department,
Stowell Street.
'T'HESE premises are situated in close proximity to the
■■• Newcastle fruit and vegetable markets. The building
was completed in the year 1909, and comprises basement,
ground. No. 1, and No. 2 floors. In the basement is the
banana-room, specially constructed for the ripening of
Canary and Jamaica bananas. On the ground floor the
work of receiving and despatching is transacted, and
special facilities are provided in the way of two large
dockways, enabling four vehicles to be attended to at
the same time. On the first floor are situated the
manager's, assistants', and general offices, whilst a
portion of the flat is also utilised as the saleroom. The
second floor is principally used for storing goods of a
keeping quality, such as nuts, figs, &c.
26
1
I
Pelaw : Bird's-eye View*
T^HE policy of the C.W.S.— and, indeed, of the
"*• co-operative movement throughout — is to produce
for the consumer the necessaries of Ufe at the least
possible cost consistent with the best possible conditions
for the workers.
It is a noticeable fact that the productive works of
the Wholesale were nearly all centred in and around
Manchester, until, in pursuit of the policy above referred
to, it was found that the goods there produced could not
be supplied to the consumers in the Newcastle district at
the least possible cost, consequent upon the enormous
carriage they had to bear. As a remedy the Newcastle
Branch Committee considered that their duty lay in the
direction of establishing productive works in their own
district, so they at once set about to find a suitable place
wherein to commence operations. In their endeavours to
do this they had in view the heavy rates, taxes, &c., the
factories would be called upon to pay if they were
established in Newcastle, and it was for this reason partly
that Pelaw was chosen as the venue of productive effort
by the Newcastle Branch. Another reason which
animated them in their selection of Pelaw as the ground
on which their victories should be won was that the land
could be procured at a very small cost; and, again, the
sites available were adjacent to the railway, thus saving
the heavy charges for cartage to and from the station.
Illustrations of the separate works follow in due
order, which comprise Drug and Drysaltery Depart-
ment, Printing Works, Cabinet Factory, Clothmg
Factory, and Engineering Works.
There is also a commodious dining-room, which is
found to be a great convenience, as the greater number
of the employes come from considerable distances.
29
Drug and Drysaltery Works, Pelaw,
Tp'HIS factory began in 1896 as the packing department of the
"*• C.W.S. with seven employes. The following impression,
from the "Wheatsheaf," conveys some idea of its scope to-day : —
Many visits would not exhaust the interest of these works.
Standing on its galleries, overlooking the ordered industry below,
one has curiously the impression that comes when exploring the
decks or on the bridge of a ship, particularly an ocean liner.
Perhaps the bridge-like galleries start the fancy. Then there is
the same cleanliness, the same compactness and economy of
arrangement, and sufficiency of space for everything, yet no waste
of an article so valuable. It is the same sense of completeness
vvhich makes a boat at once the simplest and most perfect example
of man's skill in adapting means to ends.
The scheme of the building is a great glass-roofed hall with a
wide, encircling gallery, which is divided into rooms where all
the mixing is done. You pass in rapid tour the various ingredients
being blended for such diverse things as Boot Polish, Metal Polish,
Emulsion of Cod Liver Oil, Cake Flours, Bronchial Mixture,
the various household remedies — but the list is endless. In
galleries forming a St. George's cross above the main area other
goods are stored in bulk, for at Pelaw grocery sundries are packed
for the Newcastle district. Here are also tins and bottles stocked
by the million. And almost automatically this incongruous host
descends by its own weight to the army of packers below. Patent
bottling and weighing machines without number expedite the
work. We have called the packers an army : rather they are
drill sergeants beneath whose marshalling fingers files of bottles,
packages, and tins — tall, squat, thin, broad-chested, in uniforms
infinite in variety — form themselves into companies and battalions.
And the wonder of it all is like that of a marvellously intricate
piece of mechanism.
Efficiency may be inhuman, however. Are all the hundreds
of workers, one asks, merely cogs in the machine? Pelaw
visited dispels such an idea. When the "W^heatsheaf " man
arrived, the manager of the works was engaged. "If you
are inclined, just wander round where you like; then ask any
questions you wish in twenty mxinutes, when I'll be at
liberty," he said. Full use was made of the permission, and the
simile of machinery gave place to something more human.
It was a hive of happy industry. Obviously there was no driving.
Subsequent inquiry proved that the Congress minimum wage scale
is in force; this means that as much as £3,000 extra per year is
paid at Pelaw in wages compared with the rates which rule in
many competing factories. Only the continued and increasing
loyalty of co-operators can overcome so great a handicap to-day.
30
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London : Leman Street.
'T'HIS fine block of buildings is the headquarters of the
■'■ London Branch. The older part of the building,
with the clock tower, was erected in 1887, and the new
wing for the accommodation of the drapery department
was opened for business in 1910. The general office,
boardroom, conference-hall, dining-rooms, and kitchen
are all in the older building, where also the grocery
saleroom and buyers' offices are situated. The basement
serves the purpose of a storeroom for provisions — cheese,
butter, eggs, lard, &c. — while the upper floors are
devoted to the grocery and boot and shoe departments,
access being given both to the new wing and to a still
older building not shown in the illustration, where
the furnishing, ironmongery, carpets, and stationery
departments are situated.
The latest wing is devoted to the heavy and fancy
drapery, millinery, and ready-mades departments, the
basement being used for a joint packing-room. In the
building is a telephonic exchange, which connects all the
departments in London, Northampton, Bristol, Cardiff,
Manchester, Newcastle, and the productive works in
various parts of the country.
The building, which is 333 feet in length, is of
fireproof construction, the floors being built of steel and
concrete, an automatic fire-extinguishing apparatus being
mstalled throughout. Besides three stone staircases for
business purposes, iron stairways provide extra exit in
case of fire. There are two electric passenger lifts,
besides numerous lifts for the conveyance of goods.
Electric light is provided throughout, and the building is
warmed by low-pressure hot-water pipes. An efficiently-
drilled fire brigade composed of members of the staff
affords additional security against fire.
33
London: Bacon Stoves, &c»
/CONSIGNMENTS of green bacon are here received
^-^ from various pig slaughtering centres. The Enghsh,
Irish, and Danish meat arrives packed in bales, the
Canadian in boxes, the C.W.S. supplies to Societies
being sent out in crates. A large proportion of the meat
comes from the C.W.S. bacon factory at Herning,
Denmark ; while supplies are also received from the
C.W.S. bacon factory at Tralee, Ireland. The green
bacon is put into the stoves, of which there are nine, with
a capacity of 2,034 sides. The smoking process takes
three days, so that there is a nominal capacity of over
4,000 sides per week.
Above the bacon stoves is a storeroom for C.W.S.
brushes from the Leeds factory ; and in connection with
the London Branch Furnishing Department are
workrooms for French polishing, upholstering, and the
manufacture of bedding. The leather and grindery
department occupies a portion of the building. Here are
kept large stocks of butts and bends of leather in the
various tannages suitable for repairing, besides numerous
requisites for the boot trade, such as nails, rivets, rubber
heels, laces, socks, and leggings.
34:
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London : Fairclough Street,
npHESE premises occupy a site bounded by Fairclough
"■• Street, Backchurch Lane, and Boyd Street, which
has an area of about 4,416 square yards.
The clearing of this large area has been the means of
demolishing a large quantity of low-class property, and
as a consequence improving the sanitary condition of the
district.
The buildings occupying the site consist of an
Empties Department, Joinery Department, stables for
forty-four horses, with loft over, and men's mess-room,
Engineers' and Electricians' Department, building
material storage, laundry and boiler-house, and garage,
with office and covered yards.
Silvertown Mill and Factories*
'T'HIS bird's-eye view is inserted for the purpose of
-*• showing the relative positions of the Flour Mill,
Productive Factory, Soap Works, also Employes' Dining-
rooms. Other plates, which will be found in their places,
give the separate buildings with a brief account of the
particular work carried on.
38
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Productive Factory, Silvertown.
■pXTERNALLY the factory has httle attraction. It is just a
^ huge square building which impresses by bulk alone. First
it arrests by its size, and then makes its spaciousness seem small
by comparison with the multitude of articles it manufactures.
It is a Confectionery Works, and Boiled Sugars, Fondants, and
Clear Gums are made in forms, colours, and flavours innumerable.
Should anyone desire to know into how many forms sugar can be
transmuted in boiled sweets alone, Silvertown can offer a different
kind for every day this year and still have a choice variety to
select from on high days and holidays.
Spice, and particularly Pepper, grinding forms another
important part of the work. The milling of Mustard is a new
development which already is so successful that the plant is now
being doubled. Other products range from Self -Raising Flour to
Piccalilli, from Cremo Oats to Beef Extract, from Table Jellies to
Table Salt. Such is the scope of the factory established onlv in
1904.
"The work of Silvertown is so varied, and its products are
so dissimilar," said a writer in the "Wheatsheaf" recently, "that
to convey a total impression by one word is not easy. If it could
be done I think the word would be 'specialisation.' Despite all
diversity this is the abiding idea which the factory leaves in the
mind. You get it in the sweet department; there may be men
v/ho know more than its foreman about boiling sugar, but you
would hesitate to say so. There seems nothing about jellies,
again, that their maker does not know. You are abashed in the
laboratory and amazed in the statistical department. Then the
total effect comes when you stand watching the wooden cases
being trundled over the loading way. Only that morning some
of these orders now despatching had been received. But each
department had been organised to anticipate them. Their
execution seems as automatic as the flow of water when a bath
tap is turned. It is specialisation for service, for the service of
<:o-operators. They are availing themselves of it increasingly,
and Silvertown to-day promises to be too small to-morrow.''
41
Bristol Depot.
n^HE architectural style of this building is a free
■*■ treatment of English Renaissance. Due attention
has been given to the provision of light and air at every
portion of the premises, including the basement. It is
situated in the most central part of the city, the Floating
Harbour forming the boundary on one side, thus bringing
water communication direct to the building. An area
of about 2,231 square yards is occupied, consisting of
basement and six floors.
The total height of the building from the street to
the ridge of the roof is 86 feet; to clock tower top, 130
feet. The present floor space is about 100,000 square
feet, ultimately to be increased to 150,000 square feet.
The building has a commanding entrance from the
Quay, surmounted by sculptural figures, illustrating two
of the local industries — mining and agriculture — and is
fitted with an electrically-driven passenger lift running
through the well-hole, which gives rapid means of
access to every floor. Similar hoists communicate direct
with all the departments, i.e., grocery, drapery, boots,
furnishing, ready-mades and woollen cloth, and grocery
sundry packing.
The internal structure is fire resisting, the columns
being of iron and the floor of steel girders, filled in with
cement concrete and covered with pine flooring.
The power and light is electrical. Heat is by low-
pressure hot water apparatus, radiators being fixed in the
various rooms.
Every precaution has been taken against fire, the
building being fitted throughout with an installation of
automatic fire sprinklers of the "Grinnell" pattern.
A complete system of telephones is installed for
communication between all departments.
42
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Cardiff Depot.
'T' HE building, which faces Bute Terrace and Mary Ann
•■• Street, was erected by the Building Department,
London Branch, from the designs of our architect at
Balloon Street. It consists of basement, ground, first,
second, third, and fourth floors. The basement floor is
7ft. below pavement level, and up to the ground floor is
12ft. high, the walls being built with ivory-white glazed
bricks. The ground floor is about 110ft. by 44ft. and
12ft. high. The walls of this and the other floors are
matchboarded all round. On the first floor are the
saleroom, general ofiices, manager's office, and the usual
lavatory accommodation. Part of the third floor is used
for departmental showrooms, and the fourth floor is
occupied by the Drapery Department. The main
staircase, which runs from the basement to the top floor,
is surmounted by a tower about 14ft. high, and flagstaff.
The building is fitted up with electric light, the supply
being taken from the Corporation mains. The heating
arrangements are carried out by hot-water pipes and
radiators situated at convenient points.
New Depot, Cardiff.
npHE C.W.S. having acquired the site of the old Town
■*■ Hall, Police and Fire Brigade Station, and old Post
Office, is now erecting new premises thereon.
The new buildings will have a frontage of about 170
feet to St. Mary Street, and a depth of about 154 feet to
a proposed new street connecting St. Mary Street and
Westgate Street. The Westgate Street portion of the site
will, for the present, remain unoccupied.
There will be eight floors including basement.
The principal entrance will be in the centre of the
elevation to St. Mary Street, and there will be a loading
entrance from the proposed new street to a large central
covered loading-yard.
Accommodation will be provided for the grocery and
provision department on the basement, ground, and first
floors — the latter having a large general saleroom for the
accommodation of retail Societies' buyers. On the
second, third, and fourth floors the drapery, boot and
shoe, and furnishing departments will be situated, with
joint packing and receiving department on the ground
floor adjoining the central loading-yard. On the fifth
and sixth floors will be situated an Assembly Hall (73ft.
long by 53ft. wide), with dining-room in conjunction
therewith and subsidiary rooms for various purposes.
Access to all floors will be from an imposing central
stone staircase, provided with high-speed passenger hoist
in the well, and in addition there will be a secondary stone
staircase as an alternative means of exit. For warehouse
purposes there will be three electric goods hoists running
in fireproof hoist- wells, so that the safety and convenience
of all visitors to the building will be amply assured.
Architecturally the building will have an imposing
elevation to St. Mary Street, of a free classical type, the
central feature being surmounted by a clock tower.
The elevations are intended to be formed in ashlar
stonework.
46
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Northampton Depot.
THE front part of the larger building was built in
1897 by the C.W.S.'s own Building Department,
and afterwards extended to meet the increased trade. It
is used for the distribution of groceries to the small
Societies in the district. (Previously two small rooms
were occupied, which were opened in October, 1890, for
use as a saleroom only.) There is also a large General
Office, some of the clerks being engaged wholly in audit
w^ork in the supervision of Societies' accounts.
The smaller building is used as a bacon warehouse,
containing smoke stoves. There is a large trade done
in Danish sides (smoked and plain), cured in our
own slaughteries, and smoked on the premises ; also a
considerable quantity of iVmerican bacon is sold, consisting
of Cumberland cuts, bellies, hams, also smoked and plain
rolls. The rolling is done on the premises, and the bacon
is brought principally direct through our New York house.
The Depot is situated about 100 yards from the Town
Hall, and the same distance from the Midland Eailway
Station, and stands midway between the two points.
The district covered by the Depot is Northamptonshire
and Huntingdonshire; also part of Warwickshire,
Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire, and
Cambridgeshire.
4ir
Nottingham Saleroom.
T^HIS Saleroom is situated in Friar Lane, a thoroughfare
■*■ leading from the Market Place to the Castle. It
will be obvious to the reader from the first glance at the
illustration that this ecclesiastical-looking building was
not originally intended for a saleroom. Still, its interior
provides the C.W.S. with an ideal sale and sample room.
The building was previously a Congregational Chapel,
supported mainly by well-to-do people, but these
gradually migrated to the suburbs, leaving the services
only meagrely attended.
The building was offered for sale and was purchased
by the C.W.S. in 1899. The change necessitated many
internal alterations; the organ, pulpit, pews, &c., were
all removed.
On entering, there is a clear floor space of 4Sft. by
42ft. The ground floor is occupied by the Grocery and
Grocery Productive Departments, and a representative
display of samples is tastefully arranged on counters and
tables, while handsome showcases are placed throughout.
What was originally the vestry is now the manager's
office.
A wide staircase leads to the gallery which completely
encircles the room. This is occupied by the Drapery,
Woollens, Boots, Furnishing, and Crockery Departments.
The millinery and mantles have a special room on the
ground floor at the rear of the building.
For the convenience of Societies in and near
Nottingham a Furniture Showroom has been opened in
Wheelergate, adjacent to the Saleroom, and if the volume
of business should justify such action no doubt further
developments may be looked for.
50
Nottinghaxa Salercx>in : Friar Lane.
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Birmingham Saleroom : 16, Pershore Street.
Birmingham Saleroom and Cycle Depot.
nr' HE handsome block of buildings seen in the illustration
* was completed in 1910. Previously the premises at
Birmingham consisted of only the two-storeyed building
seen on the left-hand side of the illustration, and was used
solely for saleroom purposes, the ground floor being
occupied by the Grocerj^ Saleroom, the room above having
to suffice for all other departments. It had long been
felt to be an impossibility to make a display in the limited
room at the disposal of the drapery and allied departments,
so on the decision of the Committee to form a Cycle Depot
at Birmingham it was decided to take in the two blocks of
premises adjacent, which were already in the possession
of the C.W.S., and erect a building which w^ould give more
saleroom space, and also could be utilised for a Cycle
Depot. Operations were coromenced, and resulted in the
building seen on the opposite page. The premises have
a fine frontage on Pershore Street, and are well within
five minutes' walk from New Street Station. The older
portion of the building is now* used for Grocery Sale and
Sample Room on the ground floor, and the upper floor is
the Showroom for the Boots, Furnishing, Hardware, and
Crockery Departments. In the new buildings the whole
of the first floor is occupied by the drapery and allied
departments, and gives plenty of room for a grand display.
The Cycle Department occupies the basement and upper
room as warehouses, the ground floor being used for
offices and showrooms. The Grocery Department and
Cycle Depot are open for business every day.
53
Huddersfield Saleroom^
'T'HIS Saleroom was first originated in 1885. Business
^ was commenced in the boardroom of the Industrial
Society. A room in Lion Arcade was taken a little later,
and samples of grocery were first shown; eventually the
boots and shoes and drapery representatives commenced
to attend every two months, and another room adjoining
was taken. After many years of growing business it
was removed to much larger premises in 1898, at 4,
Eailway Street, where we occupied three floors — the
ground floor for office, the first floor for grocery, drapery,
and boots ; second floor for crockery, mantles, and
furnishing. The drapery and boots representatives,
owing to increasing trade, now attended weekly, and
these premises soon began to show signs of being too
small for the business.
In 1904 the Huddersfield Brush Factory was taken
over, and in 1906 the business was transferred to the
Leeds Brush Factory. The premises were then
reconstructed and converted into the present saleroom.
These premises were open for business in October, 1907,
and consist of three floors and basement.
The basement is utilised for washing hams and storing
empties; on the ground floor are the manager's office and
warehouse, where a stock of hams, cheese, bacon,
potatoes, onions, and green fruit are kept. The grocery
saleroom is also on this flat. The first floor is occupied
by boots and shoes, ready-mades, furnishing, crockery,
and brushes; the second floor, which is a well-lighted
room, being lighted from the roof, is used for drapery,
mantles, and millinery.
There is a smokeroom; also an electric hoist and
electric lights throughout. The trade has increased
considerably since occupying these premises.
54
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Longton Crockery Depot*
nr'HE pottery trade first engaged the attention of the
■'■ Wholesale Society in 1886, when the increasing
business in this class of goods gave rise to the suggestion
to establish a Depot in the manufacturing district for the
purpose of collecting and distributing the articles suitable
for co-operative trade.
The result of thus aggregating the needs of Societies
has been very successful, for the business connections
and extensive dealing of the C.W.S. with the local
manufacturers enables them to supply small orders with
much advantage to the retail Society, and large ones on
same t^rms as makers.
At the commencement premises were rented, but
growth of trade justified the erection of a building, and
in 1889 the new place was occupied. Sufficient land was
acquired at the same time to admit of future developments,
and from time to time additions have been made.
About 1898 the C.W.S. decided to start a decorating
department and build a kiln, so that Societies could have
the satisfaction of purchasing an article finished under
healthy conditions. Now there are three kilns, and nearly
£1,400 per year is paid in wages to this department.
Goods sold from Longton are drawn from sources
where the best conditions of labour prevail, and a large
quantity are dipped in either low solubility or leadless
glaze.
Fellmongering, Fat, and Bones
Department, Pontefract^
'' I ^HE buildings shown on the opposite page are where
■*■ the C.W.S. conduct their fellmongering business,
and also their fat and bone business. In the foreground
is the fellmongering department.
Fellmongering is that process by which wool is
separated from the sheep skins. There are several ways
of doing this, and that employed by us is by applying to
the flesh side of the skin a mixture of lime and sulphide
of sodium; the skins are allowed to lie two days with
this mixture on them; they are then washed, and the
wool after the treatment leaves the skin (or pelt, as it
is called in the trade) readily. It has to be pulled off by
hand, because on every skin there are several qualities
of wool, and this has to be carefully sorted by hand as it
is pulled off. The wool is then to be dried, and stored
for sale in the large building shown on illustration.
The bone department (which is in the background)
extracts grease from bones and then grinds the bones
into bone meal, which is sold for manure. The grease
is extracted by putting the bones, after being roughly
broken, into large tanks; the tanks are then sealed, and
by means of a pipe benzine is run into these tanks. The
benzine is driven off again by means of steam and
recovered for future charges ; the bones are then ready for
grinding.
All these departments are worked in conjunction with
the Hide and Skin Department.
58
Limerick Depot*
'TpHIS Depot was established in 1869 for the purchase
•■■ of butter. It has a frontage in Mulgrave Street of
20 yards, comprising the ofl&ces, which consist of the
manager's, general, typists', and shipping office, &c.
The total staff at present at the Depot is seven.
The store is divided, one portion being used as a
butter store, where all butter is received, graded, coopered,
&c. Another part of the store is occupied by the cold
storage chambers, the inner chamber being reserved for
the C.W.S. Societies. The outer chamber is utilised in
a general way in connection with the butter arriving at
the Depot during the warm weather, and placed therein
before being shipped. The capacity of both chambers
is 250 tons. The dimension of store and chambers
together is 40 yards by 20 yards.
All butters received are tested from time to time to
see that they comply with the standard of moisture, and
any not so doing are returned to the makers.
At the rear of the stores is the engine-room, where a
12-liorse power gas engine is erected, the gas for same
being supplied by our own gas suction plant.
Here is also a refrigerating machine (Halls') in
connection with the cold chamber. A dynamo is also
erected, and the offices and stores are lighted with our
own electric light.
&i
Armagh Depots
CITUATED in the midst of the finest agricultural
^ district in Ireland, it is also the largest egg
distributing centre in the movement. On the premises
eighty concrete tanks have been laid down for the purpose
of preserving eggs in pickle for the winter requirements
of Societies, the accommodation providing for over
4,000,000 eggs.
There are also box-making departments, in which all
the packages required for butter and eggs are made.
Large quantities of butter are manufactured at the
Depot, which is fitted up with refrigerating plant and
cold stores in connection with the extensive butter trade
carried on.
The Depot occupies a unique position for the shipment
of fruit, the district being the largest fruit-raising centre
in Ireland.
It also supplies Societies with large quantities of
poultry for their Christmas requirements.
The operations of the Depot extend all over the North
and West of Ireland, where, in order to secure the large
quantity of eggs required in the freshest possible state
from the farmers, over twenty collecting stations have
been established.
The premises are very extensive, covering an area of
25,000 square feet, of which two-thirds are under cover,
and are lighted with electricity throughout.
62
Tralee Egg and Butter Depot.
T^HE buildings in the foreground of plate comprise
•■■ ofi&ces and boxmaking departments. At the left are
the Creamery and Butter Blending Factory. The long
building at the rear is occupied by power house, fitter's
shop, &c. The building in the centre of the block contains
butter cellars and roll room, with timber drying, &c.,
lofts overhead. The vacant space between these two latter
groups is now mainly occupied by new cold stores and
suction gas plant recently erected. The larger group of
buildings at right of illustration comprises cooperage at
rear, store lofts in centre, and egg pickling department.
There is also land available for purposes of extension,
&c., at the rear of the buildings shown of at least equal
area to that already built on. ^lost of the erections are
fairly recent, as the property was purchased in 1896.
The original Depot opened in 1874, now exclusively used
for the purchase and packing of eggs, is at the other side
of Pembroke Street fronting the premises illustrated, and
is not shown in plate. In the background of illustration
the position- of Tralee Bacon Factory is indicated, and
the boundaries of both premises are practically contiguous.
65
Tralee Bacon Factory^
'T'HIS factory, which is about two minutes' walk from
■*■ the railway station, is mainly constructed of local
sandstone, and in design is practically a one-storeyed
building.
It was originally equipped to handle about 500 pigs
weekly, but, as this quantity proved totally inadequate to
supply the requirements of Societies, who were quick to
recognise the excellence of the Wheatsheaf brand of
Tralee bacon, lard, and sausages, some slight structural
alterations had to be made in the year 19U7, and 1,000
pigs weekly can now be dealt with by the various
departments.
The pigs, which are mostly procured in the Kerry
district, are driven in batches into the sticking-pen. They
are there shackled by one of the hind legs, hoisted on to
a running bar, and killed. They are next plunged into
the scalding tank, and pass on from that to the scuttling
table, where most of the hair is removed, the balance
disappearing during the short time they are exposed to
the extreme heat of the singeing furnace. They next get
a cold bath, and are again raised to the running bars,
where they are scraped quite clean, disembowelled,
weighed, removed to chill-room, and finally to the
curing-cellars, where they remain for about twelve days.
They next reach the packing department, and are shipped
from there in four, five, and six-side bales to suit the
requirements of the various districts.
The lard, sausage meat, &c., are all dealt with in
their respective departments, and from this, and the
short foregoing description of . the factory, the careful
reader will observe that the ** squeal" is the only item
which, up to the time of going to press, has not proved
of marketable value.
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Esbjerg Butter Depot.
nr'HE land is freehold, and covers a total area of 2,500
■*■ square yards. Situated in a twenty years' old garden
stands the house occupied by the manager, adjacent to cool
butter cellars of about 100 square yards.
In conjunction with these cellars, on the right side of
the yard is the principal butter warehouse — two large
working-rooms of about 450 square yards, connected with
three large storing-rooms of 225 square yards, all fitted
with very effective cold air refriger:\tion pi ant and
facilities for handling the butter properly. Through
these cellars about 3,000 casks of Danish butter pass
weekly.
Opposite to the cellars stands the office building,
containing three light and spacious office-rooms, in which
the clerks are employed. On this side is also the motor
garage.
^Yith electric power and light all over the
establishment, and well paved and otherwise kept in good
order, and with flowers and trees espaliered along the
railings and the whitewashed walls, the establishment is
a model specimen and an attractive advertisement for
the C.W.S. in Denmark.
Odense Depot*
T^HIS Depot for butter, eggs, and bacon conirnenced
■*■ business on June 26th, 1898. The butter warehouse
is built at the harbour on leasehold land belonging to
the Odense Town Council, and covers an area of 800
square yards.
A railway siding, connected with the main line, runs
along in close proximity to the western side of the
building, giving the best facilities for the receiving and
despatching of goods by rail. The east side of the
building faces the quay, and the berth of the steamers
to Great Britain is exactly opposite and only a few yards
distant from the warehouse.
" The premises in every way satisfy modern
requirements, the butter cellars being equipped with
refrigerating plant, and the offices with hot-water
heating installation, with electric light over the whole
building.
The whole arrangement is ideal, and a further
testimony to the endeavours of the C.W.S. to supply
co-operators with articles made and distributed under
the most perfect conditions.
70
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Herning Bacon Factory^
'Hr'HIS factory, built on freehold land, was purchased
■■• in 1900, and business commenced immediately after
reconstruction and additions to the buildings were
completed. In 1912 the premises were enlarged and
the machinery renewed, so that the factory now appears
as a modern, practical, and hygienic establishment.
The front building on the right comprises the
manager's and clerks' offices. On the left of this building
is the main entrance, w^here the farmers drive in with
their hogs, afterw^ards making their exit at the gate on
the right. The building on the left of the entrance
contains the weighing-room for live hogs, and sties
or piggeries, while further on is the sticking-pen.
Continuing and turning to the right is the slaughter-house,
containing scalding-tank, singeing-stove, destruction-
room, and other accessories. In the same building, but
on the right, is the sausage-room, smoking stove, and
lard melting-room.
Close behind the large shaft are the engine-room,
boiler-house, and refrigerating machinery; the condenser
belonging to the latter can be seen on the top of the roof.
The very large building consists of a well-ventilated
-chilling-room, also used for cutting-up, baling, and
packing. In the same building are the offal delivery-room
and storeroom for lard, &c.
Adjoining the large building on the left are the cooling-
room and curing cellar.
On the right will be seen a fence which runs along
the passage where the pigs are unloaded from the railway
trucks, the railway line running close alongside, thus
giving easy access for loading and unloading goods.
78
Sydney Tallow Works*
nr'HESE works, for the production of tallow for use
■*■ in our various soap works, are erected on a suitable
and excellent site in Sydney, the position having been
specially selected as being particularly adapted to the
receiving of the raw material- and despatch of the-
manufactured product. They were specially designed and
built for this particular m.anufacture, all the machinery
being of the latest and up-to-date description.
74
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Fruit Packing Depot, Denia^
'T'HIS substantially-built warehouse is the C.W.S.
•^ Depot for the packing and exportation of Spanish
produce. Denia is situated about seventy miles south of
Valencia on the Mediterranean coast, and is the principal
port of shipment of Valencia raisins. Co-operators'
requirements of the latter commodity having greatly
increased in recent years, the old rented property was
found inadequate, and it became necessary to make other
provision for carrying on the business efficiently. Land
was bought in a central position near to rail and quay, and
a large handsome building erected, 75 yards by 45 yards.
This is looked upon by the natives as doing credit to the
town, and without doubt is second to none in that part
of Spain.
The interior is light and airy, and, with ample sanitary
accommodation on the very best hygienic principles, the
C.W.S. is keeping up its reputation for looking after the
interest of its workers. No one arriving in Denia can
fail to notice the words "Co-operative Wholesale Society
Ltd.," as the warehouse abuts on a square adjacent to
the station.
The walls are of thick rubble, and the columns,
girders, and roof principals of iron. The bottom floor,
which is used for making up, is tiled, and the upper
storey, which serves as the picking department, is
concreted.
During the excavations much blasting had to be done,
remains of old Moorish foundations being discovered —
probably those of buildings connected with the ancient
castle or convent close by.
In the season upwards of 800 persons are employed
in picking, packing, and shipping co-operators'
requirements.
77
London : Tea Department*
'' I ''HE Tea, Coffee, and Cocoa Departments are worked
"*■ as a joint business by the English and Scottish
^A'llolesale Societies. The premises are immediately
opposite those of the C.W.S. in Leman Street, and are
also conveniently near the bonded warehouses. It was in
1882 that the two great federations decided to join in the
supplying of tea. The first warehouse was a small one,
close to Leman Street — how small may be guessed by the
fact that it employed only four warehousemen and half
a dozen boys. By the end of 1885, however, the business
was so important that when a disastrous fire occurred
on December 30th it was sufficient to cause a loss of
£35,000. No further calamity marred the steady growth
of the business in the succeeding years. In 1897 the
present large premises in Leman Street were opened, but
within a short time it was found that much more space
would be required, and extensions have recently been
completed that will afford much greater facilities for the
business. The factory is splendidly equipped with
numerous labour-saving appliances, and the most
up-to-date weighing and packing machinery is installed,
which arouses wonder and admiration from everyone who
is privileged to see it. The latest figures published at
the time of writing give the total annual sales of tea to
be 29,000,0001bs.
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Luton Cocoa and Chocolate Works,
TN September, 1902, this new industry was established
^ in Luton by the opening of a factory by the Joint
Committee of the Enghsh and Scottish Wholesale
Societies. The manufacture of cocoa and chocolate,
however, had been carried on by the two Societies in
connection with the Tea Department at Leman Street,
London, since November, 1887. Thus at the time it was
taken from Whitechapel into the country the business was
in its fifteenth year. The reasons of removal will be
easily understood. On one hand, in London, a congested
district with high rates and high values generally ; on the
other, at the edge of Luton, open country, a dry, chalk
subsoil, and economies all round. Hence the present
factory at Luton.
The building stands nearly 400 feet above the sea level,
and commands a view of the greater part of the town and
the Chilteru Hills beyond. It is of two storeys, with a
basement cut in the chalk. At the back runs the Great
Northern branch line from the main line at Hatfield to
Dunstable.
Here one finds all the essentials for a pure food
product in a light, spacious factory, equipped with the
best machinery for making a range of cocoas equal to
any other make, British or foreign.
All the girls, and there are a great number, are attired
in scrupulously clean dresses and caps provided by the
C.W.S. Considerable extensions have been made, but
there is still room for additional buildings when the
loyalty of co-operators to their own cocoas shall warrant
their erection.
81
Biscuits, Cakes, Jellies, and Sweets Works,
Crumpsall, Manchester^
'T'HESE works enjoy the distinction of being the first productive
■■• enterprise of the C.W.S. The works had been the property
of private manufacturers, but were purchased by the Wholesale
Society in January, 1873.
It was proposed to produce biscuits, sweets, jam, soap, and
tobacco, but the latter commodity had to wait for many years.
The total value of the productions for the vear ending October,
1874, was £12,632, with a profit of £252. Not twenty employes
were then occupied, and for the sake of comparison we note that
in 1913 the output reached £200,000, with profits £16,000 and
employes 600.
Scarcely a corner remains of the original buildings ; additional
ground has been purchased from time to time and covered with
substantial buildings, spacious and airy, in every respect
constituting a model factory.
At the present time the works are manufacturing biscuits,
sweets, cakes, and jellies. Jam and soap have demanded separate
premises for several years. In the course of time certain
departments have been transferred to other centres, as for instance
drugs and sundries.
About 250 varieties of biscuits are made at Crumpsall, and
fresh designs and flavours are constantly being introduced. It is
almost needless to say that scrupulous care is exercised in the
selection of ingredients, in the manufacture, and in every process
mvolved. The girls are provided with overalls and caps.
In the cake bakery fifteen large ovens are occupied in turning
out huge quantities of toothsome cakes, from the plain cake to
bridecakes of highest quality.
Boiled sweets have a department to themselves. Here, again,
a visitor would be convinced of the purity of Crumpsall products.
He would see kegs of pure butter, cans of new milk, gallons of
cream, bags of cane sugar, essences of flavour harmless and of the
best quality.
Crumpsall is second to none in the social welfare of the
employes. Besides the bowling green, croquet lawn, tennis courts,
cricket and football grounds, there are a harriers' club, swimming
clubs, physical culture classes, and also tents pitched in a beautiful
part of Derbyshire for week-end camping.
Last, but not least, we have at Crumpsall the only biscuit
factory in England working an eight-hour day.
I
L
Middleton Junction Preserve Works*
HTHE C.W.S. first began to make jams and marmalade
■*■ at Crumpsall Works in 1888. The department
succeeded so well that it was formed into a separate
branch of manufacture, and was housed in the factory
which the C.W.S. built on ground acquired at Middleton
Junction. In June, 1896, with the fruit season of that
year in view, work was commenced, and some 3,000 tons
of jam were made in the first twelve months. Several
extensions have been added, and in 1909 the removal of
the pickle and sauce department to the adjacent vinegar
brewery secured the whole of the original building to
the manufacture of jams and marmalade, mincemeat, and
peel. There is also a good trade in tinned fruits and
potted fish and meats. At the present time the yearly
output of jams and marmalade exceeds 10,000 tons. The
permanent staff here consists of 600 employes, but this
is increased during the season by four or five hundred
workers engaged in picking and sorting fruit.
The works are admirably placed for dealing
expeditiously with the traffic, being close to the main line
of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway, to which there
is direct communication by sidings. In July and August
it is no uncommon event for two or three train loads of
twenty wagons each to arrive at the works. Considerable
quantities of the fruit come from the C.W.S. fruit farms
at Roden and Harden and their Depot at Wisbech.
The marmalade trade consumes five or six hundred
tons of Seville oranges, which are bought direct by the
C.W.S.
In the other departments of the factory, i.e., those
devoted to the production of candied peel, mincemeat,
tinned fruit, and potted meat, there is the same careful
supervision of detail that ensures the purity and excellence
of the comestibles sold by the C.W.S.
Vinegar Brewery and Pickle Factory,
Middleton Junction*
"CXTEEMES met in the C.W.S. Jam Works at
■"^ Middleton Junction for many years, as both preserves
and pickles were there manufactured. When, however,
the Committee decided to erect a vinegar brewery, it was
obvious that pickles would properly form an adjunct
thereto. The brewery is of the very latest type, and
contains a complete equipment of plant of the most
approved type for the production of a high-class vinegar.
The provision made for storage is convincing proof that
the brewery will prove equal to the demand for some years
to come.
86
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Wheatsheaf Boot and Shoe Works, Leicester*
/^O-OPERATORS should be proud to own this, the largest shoe
^ factory in the United Kingdom. The C.W.S. commenced
the manufacture of boots and shoes in 1873, when they purchased
a small factory in Duns Lane, Leicester, but this was soon found
to be too small, and extensions were made in 1876 and again in
1884.
On November 4th, 1891, the Wheatsheaf works were opened.
Covering something like two acres of ground, the building, viewed
from the Midland Railway main line, presents a striking appearance,
and is by far the largest in the kingdom. A glance at the illustration
will show the general plan of construction, the principal feature
of which is the main room occupying the centre of the building,
roofed with iron and glass, the actual area of which is 6,600
square yards .
In every department may be seen the most ingenious and
modern machines invented for the boot and shoe trade, and the
management is constantly on the alert for any improvement in
this direction that can possibly add to the efficiency of the works.
How extensively machinery enters into boot production may be
gathered from the fact that there is not a department into which
it has not been introduced. As a hint to co-operators who do
not insist on getting Wheatsheaf boots or shoes, it may be
mentioned that the factory is capable of turning out 50,000 pairs
weekly, instead of 35,000, which quantity represents the present
normal average demand.
The following figures speak for themselves : —
Pairs. Value.
Supplies, 1874 — ... ^629,456
June, 1913, to June, 1914 1,742,966 ... £445,453
Paid in Wages, 1874 £9,678
June, 1913, to June, 1914 £122,244
The total profit reahsed up to and inclusive of June, 1914, was
£181,077, and the sum devoted to interest and depreciation
£231,428. The whole cost of the machinery — as well as the
building — has been "wiped out" by depreciation.
The output for June, 1913, to June, 1914, as shown above,
heats all records, the pairs sent out for the half year ended June
last being 1,045,237. Never before has it reached the million.
The factory is devoted to the manufacture of all kinds of
footwear — men's, women's, boys', girls', and nurseries — for all
•co-operators.
In April, 1913, a Closing Factory was estabhshed at
Wellingborough in order to do, under our own control, closing
previously given out to be done, and in conjunction with the same
we have commenced the manufacture of leggings and gaiters,
so that we are now in a position to supply co-operators with our
own productions, and trust this department will receive full
support.
Leicester (Duns Lane) Boot and Shoe
Works*
npHIS is the factory in which the C.W.S. commenced
■'" its shoe manufacturing in 1873. The present factors-
is very different from the original one, which was
purchased and opened in 1873, because in the extensions
in 1876 and 1884 the original building was entirely
demolished. The present building is triangular in shape,
with one of the long sides of the triangle fronting Duns
Lane, and one side to the river Soar.
The factory is lit by electricity and driven by motors,
thus making it in every way a modern factory.
90
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Enderby Boot and Shoe Works.
pNDEKBY is some four and a half miles from
■"^ Leicester, and rather less across country from the
Wheatsheaf Works. The route is across the green vale
of the Soar, past the pretty Aylestone Church, where
Dorothy Vernon was married after the famous elopement
from Haddon Hall, in Derbyshire, and thence up gently-
sloping ground to the large, but clean and quiet, village
of Enderby. There are thatched cottages and a thirteenth-
century church, recently restored, and at least one little
street of red-brick houses, wherein is the C.W.S. factory.
In the appearance of the building outside there is
nothing remarkable, and inside one finds the most modern
plant for boot and shoe manufacture.
It is considered the best fitted-up factory outside the
town, and is driven with suction gas engines and
dynamos generating electricity for lighting and for the
motors which drive the machinery, all being now driven
by motors. The factory is devoted to the manufacture
of women's and girls' strong boots.
93
I
Heckmondwike Boot, Shoe, and
Currying Works*
TN the West Eiding of Yorkshire, in the heart of the
•*■ industrial area of broad acres, hes the small factory
centre of Heckmondwike, and here is situated the
substantial structure above named. The factory is in two
portions, the older— acquired in 1880 — forming one-half
of a square, and the newer — erected in 1896 — making a
square within the angle of the old.
Currying, first began by the C.W.S. in 1887, is done
in the older portion. Before being exported the hides are
sun dried, shorn of hair, purified, softened, and partially
tanned. On reaching the Heckmondwike Works the hides
undergo a long series of operations — trimming, soaking,
softening, shaving, splitting, tanning, scouring, graining,
&c., &c.^all performed with characteristic thoroughness.
The newer building is devoted to boot making, heavy
work being the speciality. Without pursuing our
"leather hunting" through the various processes in
which fifty different machines perform as many different
operations, a visit to the sample showroom reveals a
remarkable collection of footwear. Newcastle colliers,
Welsh miners, farmers, policemen, carters, quarrymen,
and navvies are all catered for, and the lighter but none
the less wear-resisting boots for healthy and restless
school children are turned out.
Some 400 persons are normally employed, and these
enjoy, in addition to the trade union standard of hours,
rates of pay that are slightly above those paid in the
district.
»4
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Rushden Boot and Shoe Works*
TVTORTHAMPTONSHIRE.' The mention of the
•*-^ word immediately brings to one's mind boot
manufacture. The county town and district have a
world-wide reputation for the production of gents' high-
class boots. Eushden — fifteen miles from Northampton
— ^has developed into a very important centre for the
production of footwear.
Up to the year 1900 we had been drawing supplies
from this district to such an extent that it was
thought advisable to purchase a factory and commence
manufacturing our own goods. This was done in March
of that year, the venture proving a success by the flow
of trade to the works. Buildings and extensions have
taken place until we have these large and extensive
premises, each of the two floors containing some 600 to
700 square yards. A large and well fitted up stockroom
has been added so that a supply of boots may be kept in
stock ready for despatch, thus obviating, as far as
possible, any inconvenience to Societies who require
urgent dehveries.
Each department is replete with the most modern
machinery, including a large plant for the production of
welted goods, which trade has grown very rapidly, and
the Societies can now get supplies of every description
in medium and high-class gents' and boys' footwear.
97
Leeds Boot and Shoe Works*
nr'HE continued and ever increasing demand for
^ Heckmondwike goods rendered it imperative for the
Directors to provide additional producing accommodation.
It was impossible to extend the works at Heckmondwike
for various reasons, and Leeds was chosen as the most
likely for two reasons, viz., its commercial importance
and its abundant supply of trained labour.
The Buslingthorpe district of the city of Leeds has
long been noted for its leather and tanning industries,
and the Directors secured a suitable site in the heart of
this district, within one mile of the railwa}^ stations. The
selected site was formerly known as the Sheepscar United
Leather Workers' Cricket Ground, familiar to all liCeds
people as the former property of Lord Allerton.
It is on two main tramway routes (Meanwood Eoad
cars pass the factory), and is immediately adjoining two
fine blocks of buildings, the Council Schools and the
Public Baths.
As will be observed from the illustration, there is the
minimum amount of brickwork and the maximum area of
glass, while inside it contains four large well-lighted and
commodious rooms fully equipped with the latest and
most modern boot-making machinery.
The building has been constructed on the most
hygienic principles, and every provision is made for the
comfort and welfare of the employes. Thus it may be
claimed, without exaggeration, that this Leeds Factory
is the most up-to-date building of its kind in the country.
In the centre of the plot is the power-house,
containing plant, &c., for the production of necessary
energy for all lighting and motor-driving purposes.
It is estimated that there is sufficient factory
accommodation to produce 4,000 pairs of boots weekly,
and, if the demand justifies, there is ample space for any
iuecessarv extension.
98
Soap, Candle, Glycerine, Lard, and
Starch Works, Irlam*
'np HE group of factories at Irlani have not come together
■*• in any haphazard way, but because of certain features
whicli distinguish them from most of the other G.W.S.
productive enterprises. Here the soap, candle, starch,
and lard factories are distinctly branches of chemical
industry, in which the highest degree of specialised
knowledge is required.
Thirty-nine years ago the C.W.S. bought a small
factory at Durham, originally occupied by candle factors,
and began to make soap. Progress was slow owing to
prejudice on the part of Societies. For thg first complete
year of working, 1875, the sales were only £8,900, and
in ten years after this amount was not even doubled.
The construction of the Manchester Ship Canal
afforded a unique opportunity for the erection of a soap
factory upon its banks, and the C.W.S. acquired thirteen
acres of land at Irlam, eight miles from Manchester, and
started erecting the works which were opened in October,
1895. A lay-by or quay was also constructed, thus
enabling vessels to bring their cargoes direct to the doors
of the factory.
Every kind of soap is made at Irlam, for domestic
and toilet purposes, disinfectant soaps, polishing soaps,
and all under the constant supervision of practical
chemists.
The increased space available at Irlam offered
sufficient accommodation for the additional manufacture
of candles, starch, and lard refining, all of which
products enjoy a constantly growing popularity among the
constituent Societies.
101
Soap Works, Silvertown*
TT is to the soap combine of 1906 that the co-operative
world owes the existence of the Silvertown and Dunston
works. Successful at that period in meeting demands
which increased from 250 tons to 750 tons per week, the
Co-operative Wholesale Society is now equipped for much
larger demands than have hitherto been made. Though
after the breaking of the combine the demand — owing to
the short-lived public memory — fell considerably, we
were able to report that the total trade for the half year
ended June, 1912, averaged 660 tons per week. Since
then labour troubles and increased prices of soap have
again opened the eyes of co-operators to the fact that it
is through their own sources that the surest and cheapest
supplies are to be obtained. This recognition has
resulted in the satisfactory fact that for the half year
ended June, 1914, the total output of the soap works has
averaged 900 tons per week, whilst Silvertown portion of
this amount has been 177 tons per week. It is to be
hoped that co-operators will soon fully recognise that it
is to their benefit to utihse their works to the utmost.
Standing on the Thames side, and with direct
facilities to the Great Eastern Eailway, these works offer
every advantage for the expeditious handling of both raw
material and finished soap. The works are constructed on
the most scientific lines, all machinery being driven by
electricity, whilst all workrooms are light and airy.
102
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Soap Works, Dunston<
/^RIGINALLY it was intended to build the Newcastle
^^ District soap works on a larger stretch of ground at
Pelaw, but eventually it became necessary to fall back
upon the Dunston site. At Dunston, however,
considerably less than an acre of land was available. The
river, a road, and a railway, the C.\V.S.'s own flour mill,
and a ferry pier formed on all sides irremovable
boundaries; but, in the end, a works has resulted which
is extremely compact, and yet is light and roomy and
pleasing within and without.
The basement of the works — a kind of m.odern crypt
under the frame-room — is level with the wharf. On the
latter is an electric crane for hoisting out barrels of tallow
or other materials coming by water. Liquids, such as
tallow, after being melted in the basement, or the caustic
solution, are pumped up from below to the pan-room (on
the highest floor of the works), to which solid materials
are taken by lifts. From there the materials descend in
the course of manufacture to the ground floor, level with
the trucks that run on a railway siding into the
loading-way. It will be seen from this that neither time,
space, nor power is wasted.
105
Batley Woollen Mill.
npHE Batley Woollen Mill was originally owned by
a Workers' Productive Society, which commenced
business in 1871, but after twelve years' adventures in
the troublous realms of commercial enterprise, the results,
achieved not encouraging further effort, the concern went
voluntarily into liquidation, and the C.W.S., being large
mortgagees, acquired the property. In 1886 the Society
began to manufacture woollen goods on its own account.
Early financial results were not promising, but in 1890
the mill was placed under its present management, and
since that time good progress has been made, many
extensions having been added to meet the increasing trade,,
which last year amounted to over £60,000.
The co-operative demand is of a complex character,
and naturally the policy of the management is to meet
to the full extent their responsibilities to the organised
consumers; therefore the production ranges from the-
highest to the lower grades of cloth. Of the former it
is claimed that the quality is equal to any manufactured
in Yorkshire or elsewhere. A speciality is blue serge,
but the better class fancy tweeds are also woven, and
compare favourably with any on the market. Of the-
lower grades it must be stated that they wear well and
are of excellent finish, and place comfortable clothing-
of co-operative manufacture within the reach of the-
humblest co-operator.
The wool used for the purposes of manufacture has.
originally come from Australia, and, to some extent, from
the home counties.
It is impossible here to detail the various stages of
manufacture, but it may be said that all the operations-
necessary for transforming the wool into the finished
cloth are carried on with the exception of spinning the-
worsted yarn used in serges, &c. The machinery is of
the best and latest type, and the general appearance of
the rooms is much in advance of the majority of mills-
of this class. The number of employes exceeds "250,
trade union rates of wages being paid, and the hours-
worked per week are 53, against 56^ in the trade.
Designers are constantly engaged in creating new patterns
and colour combinations, and the co-operator buying his
new suit, if he desires satisfaction, can rely upon Batley
productions.
106
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Clothing Factory, Leeds*
TEEDS is the natural centre of the ready-made clothing
■*-' trade, and in 1890 tlie C.W.S. transferred this
branch of industry from Batley Mill to Leeds (Harper
Place), then to the factory known as the Mint, at
Holbeck.
During the past few years very many alterations and
extensions have been made, and the factory is one of
the most up-to-date of its kind.
On the left foreground is the receiving-room, where
large quantities of cloth arrive, and is stored in the three-
storeyed warehouse here shown. In the cutting-room
adjoining a staff of 60 men and youths are continually
employed. Immediately behind there is i\ spacious room
wherein are situated 600 electrically driven sewing
machines. From 800 to 900 females are employed, and in
the busy season this number is considerably augmented.
The next room is occupied by the finishers, and many
ingenious machines are here found.
On the extreme background (right) is the pressing-
room, where about 40 men are occupied, and adjoining
IS the room where the final process — that of "passing" —
takes place before the garments are taken into the
despatch-room. The lower floor of this warehouse is used
exclusively for dii'ect orders to north-country Societies.
Thus we have an entirely modern factory, where the
whole operations, from cloth to finished garment, are
carried out on the one level.
These works, when extensions are completed, will
provide accommodation for 2,000 employes, about double
the number of the present staff. A fine dining-room is in
course of erection, which will also be used by employes
for social and recreative purposes.
109
Broughton Tailoring Factory^
TDESPOKE tailoring "was first made in a small building
'^^ in the vicinity of Balloon Street. The department
was worked in connection with the Distributive
Department, and only one or two cutters and a few
machinists were employed.
In 1905 the removal to Broughton occurred, and the
value of supplies for the first six months totalled £7,561.
In 1897 the trade amounted to £27,010, and new
premises, shown in the block opposite, were built. In
1901 the figures had increased to £40,180, whilst in 1913
the total trade amounted to £58,150.
The whole of the machining and finishing work is
done by female labour, the cutting and pressing by men,
and the employes number 700. Trade union rates of
wages are paid, and the arrangements for the lighting
and ventilating of the whole of the factory are excellent.
Another feature is that no attempt is made to obtain cheap
labour by taking on learners and dismissing them when
they are fit to go on full piecework wages.
The larger part of the trade is, of course, bespoke
work, and from March to August the resources of the
management are taxed to the utmost in meeting the
demand, but after this busy period comes the "off season"
— September or October until February — when, in order
to mitigate slackness, the work is supplemented by the
making of ready-mades.
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Clothing Factory, Pelaw.
npHE building bearing the name of "Tailoring
■*• Factory' contains four departments; on the ground
floor the kersey department, wherein is manufactured
miners' and artisans' clothing; the tailoring department,
for the production of bespoke clothing; the top floor is
devoted to the manufacture of men's woollen shirts and
ladies' underclothing; the first floor is the cutting-room
for tailoring, shirts, and underclothing, and stockroom for
the above departments.
All machines are of the high-speed type and electrically
driven, like all the machinery at Pelaw. The girls use
patent adjustable seats, which add much to their comfort;
the workrooms are light and airy, and labour is lightened
by the use of machinery in every direction. Wages are
fixed by piece work, and also hour work, the rates being
above the average in the district.
Shirtmaking was started at Pelaw, twelve years ago,
in a small way, but now 270 machines are employed in
the four departments.
IIH
London: Clothing Factory ♦
T^HE Clothing Factory, situated in Grove Street,
•*• London, E., is five minutes' walk from the central
premises of the London Branch, and caters for the
bespoke and ready-made clothing trade of the Societies
in the London district, including the West of England and
South Wales. It gives employment to fourteen expert
cutters, whose labours are assisted by a power-driven
band-knife. There are also fifty power-driven sewing and
buttonhole machines. The pressing is done by men, using
self-heating gas-irons. The cutting-room occupies the
ground floor, and the trousers and vests are machined on
the floor above. On the second floor is the sorting and
examining room, while the machines in the room above
are devoted to coat making. The factory employs a staff
of 132 hands. Two stone staircases, one at each end of
the building, give adequate means of exit in case of fire ;
the air space is ample, and the sanitary arrangement all
that can be desired. The wages paid are the best London
rates, and a general air of contentment pervades the
factory, while the workers, the pick of their class, all look
the picture of health.
The smaller building, conveniently situated next to
the tailoring factory, is used as a woollen cloth warehouse,
where the productions of Batley Mill are to be found.
114
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Leeds Brush and Mat Works*
HTHE C.W.S. first began to make brushes in connection with
■*• the Furnishing Department at the London Branch. In
1904 the industry, for various reasons, was removed to Leeds
and reorganised. About the same time the Co-operative Brush
Society in Huddersfield was taken over, and later was incorporated
with the Leeds factory. First situated at the Mint, Holbeck, the
works were afterwards removed to Hunslet, on the south side of
the city, where there is plenty of room for expansion. Fostered
under careful management, the factory has made rapid headway,
and it now claims to be the most up-to-date of its kind in the
country.
The housewife's brush, though not an aid to the highest
artistic expression, is a homely and useful article, and all the
quarters of the globe are under contribution to the manufacturers
of the various kinds. Beech is the chief wood, but chestnut, lime,
alder, sycamore, and Swedish silver birch are also used. Bristle,
in addition to the home supply, comes to us from France,
Germany, Poland, Eoumania, Eussia, Siberia, and China; bass
is produced chiefly in Brazil and Africa, and bassine in Ceylon.
Besides these two materials other fibres are used — Mexican
whisk, French whisk, Italian sedge, and cocoanut fibre. Both
by hand and machine these materials are manipulated until they
assume the various forms of bass brooms, banisters, shoe,
blacklead, and other brush shapes.
Mats are also made here. Woven of cocoanut fibre or yarn,
the manufacture has hitherto been done by hand, but after eighteen
months' experimenting a practical loom has been installed which
will enable the factory the better to compete with the Belgian
gaol-made article. Whilst having the virtual monopoly of this
contrivance, it is necessary to remember that the aims and results
of collective ownership are altogether different to those of individual
proprietorship.
Notwithstanding Continental competition, made severe by
means of cheap labour, the 230 employes are paid union wages —
indeed, the women machine workers are remunerated at higher
rates than are paid in the outside trade.
11<
Brislington Butter Factory^
'T'HIS factory has been erected at Brislington,
■*■ Somersetshire, with the primary object, not of
producing butter itself, but to blend and pack butter
obtained from various sources, to meet the requirements
of numerous Societies. We distinguish such blending
places as "factories" as against "creameries," where
butter is actually produced straight' from the cream. It
is a distinction worth noting, as the two terms are often
confused, but are not in any way synonymous.
Business commenced in June, 1904, and the trade for
the half year was £12,000. Sales have steadily increased,
and now the total trade done in twelve months exceeds
£300,000.
The productions have met with the approval of
Societies to such an extent that the factory and plant
have been duplicated. The factory has now greater
facilities to cope with the steadily increasing demand for
its products. The motive power is different to that
usually employed in butter factories, the various machines
being driven by electric motors. The present capacity is
from 60 to 70 tons per week. The greatest proportion
of the output is in lib. and ^Ib. tablets and prints.
Butter is also packed in Icwt. casks and 561b. and 281b.
pyramids. Supplies of cream can be obtained throughout
the year, packed in attractive jars for counter trade,
and in bulk for confectionery departments. The factory
has taken up the manufacture of Lactic Cheese, put up
in dainty packages. There is an increasing demand for
this delicacy, and trade is rapidly developing.
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Flour Mills, Dunston.
nr'HE question of flour milling by the CAY.S. was first
■*• discussed in 1883, as the quantity of flour consumed
in the Newcastle district was then held to justify such a
venture. Finally, it was decided in 1886 to proceed, and
the site purchased at Dunston-on-Tyne. Although many
obstacles hindered the progress of the work, it went
steadily forward, and on April 18th, 1891, the mills were
opened.
The building containing the flour milling machinery
is situate in the background of the view, and the new
circular grain silos are close to the river front, while to
the immediate right is to be seen the building containing
the wheat cleaning, &c., machinery. The mills are
divided into three distinct plants, giving a total milling
capacity of about 90 sacks of flour per hour. The
circular grain silos have a storage capacity of 15,000
tons of wheat, and vessels come direct alongside the
premises where the wheat is discharged by means of
powerful ship-elevators. Along the side of the premises
opposite to the river is the railway siding with three sets
of railway lines, giving facilities for loading a train
consisting of 35 wagons. The whole of the machinery
is driven by electric power.
121
Flour Mill, Silvertown^
TYTHEN the demand arose for a flour mill in the South
'^ it was this position, full on the Thames, with
railway and road in the rear, that induced the C.W.S.
Committee to purchase five acres of freehold land at
Silvertown, If we remember how many of the large
Societies in the South of England are in towns situated
on tidal waters, we shall see that, apart from the facilities
for receiving sea-borne wheat, the water communication
has for the Silvertown Mill an especial value. To build,
however, on the light gravel of the river bank was not
a simple matter. Sixty five-foot cylinders, in 300 six-foot
sections, had to be sunk through the surface drift and
filled in with concrete. On this solid foundation the mill
was erected by the C.W.S. Building Department, London.
The Great Eastern Eailway added a siding communicating
vid Stratford with the great main lines, and on June 20th,
1900, the mill was formally opened.
At the start the capacity of the machinery w^as 12
sacks of 280lbs. each per hour. It is now 50 sacks per
hour.
The provender mill is now in full work for the supply
of cattle feeding-meals, poultry mixtures, &c.
122
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The Sun Mills, Manchester.
"VY7HEN the Sun Mill was bought eight years ago it had a
'^ capacity of between thirty and forty sacks per liour. This,
being quite unequal to the demand, had to be increased. A new
screen-room, where the wheat is washed and dried, replaced the
old small one. Then came the problem of storage room for the
wheat. To solve it the original warehouse and provender mill
were turned into silos. The old office, a small chop warehouse,
and a cottage were pulled down, and in their place a new warehouse
and provender mill erected. Meanwhile the plant of the flour
mill had been increased until it was equal to an output of seventy
sacks per hour. All this took place in the first three years of
C.W.S. ownership.
Trade for a short time was hardly sufficient, but as the quality
of the flour became better known it grew to the normal power of
the mill. For twelve months, perhaps, demand balanced fairly
with supply. Then difficulties again began. The demand for the
flour gradually increased out of all proportion to the mill's power
of supply. A new mill has therefore been erected. It provides
ample storage for wheat by means of ferro-concrete silos, which,
together with the old ones, have a capacity of 20,000 tons. There
is a washing and drying plant for dealing with this great quantity.
Then there is the mill proper, with two complete plants each
capable of 35 sacks per hour.
Except through such a federation as the C.W.S. , no body of
consumers could possess so stupendous a mill. The capacity of
the old and new plant together is an output of 140 sacks an hour.
For three years the old mill has worked over 160 hours a week to
keep pace with orders. Now, with double the capacity, the mill
can meet every demand immediately. Thousands of pounds of
co-operative capital have gone to its erection. To keep it idle a
day would be equivalent to flinging 250 golden sovereigns into
the Ship Canal. To withhold orders is as foolish as, after building
such a mill, to refuse it wheat. There was far-sighted wisdom in
its erection, but its ultimate justification and the final responsibility
for its success rests with the co-operative purchaser and her
demand for C.W.S. flour.
L
12.5
The Star Mill, Oldham.
nr^HTS mill, founded in 1868, was originally started by
the two Societies in the town to provide for their
own needs and those of the neighbouring Societies.
When first started the flour was made by the old-fashioned
millstones, but the directors were amongst the earliest
to put in a roller plant when rolls for flour grinding were
introduced.
In 1889, w^ien one-half the mill had just been
remodelled and brought up to date, a disastrous fire
occurred, which totally destroyed the mill and warehouse.
The insurance did not wholly cover the contents of the
mill and stocks of flour, and there was a loss of £3,500
as a result of the fire.
Notwithstanding this loss, the fire was not altogether
a disaster. The directors of the mill were enabled to
erect new buildings, which were altogether more suitable
for a modern flour mill roller plant than the old buildings
had been, they having been built for the millstone plant.
The present buildings were erected in 1890, and the
new mill was fitted up by Messrs. Thomas Robinson and
Son, of Rochdale, with thoroughly efficient and up-to-date
plant. From time to time as improvements in corn mill
machinery have been made they have been introduced into
the Star Mill. The whole plant has been kept in a highly
efficient state, and down to the present time the results,
both as regards quality of the flour and the profits, have
been most satisfactory. The capacity of the mill is 32
sacks of 2801bs. each per hour.
Although an inland mill, the cost of getting the
wheat from the Manchester Docks is very low. The bulk
wheat is loaded into motors specially adapted for carrying
wheat in bulk, and discharged into elevators in the mill
yard. Although not enjoying the exceptional advantages
of the Sun Mill in regard to dock accommodation, the
Star Mill has all the best facilities which an inland mill
can possess, and there are a number of large Societies in
close proximity to the mill who take the largest percentage
of the flour. The quality is well known and highly
appreciated, and since this mill was taken over from the
Star Mill Flour Society by the C.W.S. it has in every
possible way been a most satisfactory concern, and for
every sack of flour that could be made there has been a
good demand.
126
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Flour and Provender Mills,
Avonmouth*
A FEW minutes' walk from the modest railway
•^^ terminus brings the visitor to the mill, and the
value of its situation is almost immediately obvious. A
network of Midland and Great Western lines surround
it; the grey ferro-concrete granary stands beside it; and
the deep dock is at hand from which the great Australian
wheat ships, laden with their thousands of quarters, can
discharge direct into the mill silos.
The fresh, clean aspect of the mill outside is not
belied within. Modern milling machinery is largely
boxed in, and floor after floor shows nothing but smartly-
varnished cases, in which panes of glass are set to show
the fine stream of flour smoothly and swiftly running
like water over a weir. Much of the machinery, too,
is connected from floor to floor, so that a main part
of the mill resolves itself simply into one huge machine,
the separate floors being mierely platforms by which to
reach its parts.
The Provender Department forms a well-equipped
part of the mill. Here English barley, maize, and various
cereals are cleaned, mixed, split, and ground, and bird
food, chicken food, pigeon corn, &c., are prepared.
At present there is difficulty in coping with the great
demand for flour, but arrangements have been made for
doubling the milling plant in order to relieve the situation.
129
Broughton Shirt and Cabinet Factories^
A WALK of ten minutes from Balloon Street, through a
■^^ neighbourhood where the chief features are the Assize
Courts, Strangeways Gaol, and a Jewish population whose labour
is largely exploited by capitalistic enterprise, brings us to
Trafalgar Street, Lower Broughton, in which the Shirt Factory
is situate. This factory began operations in 1896, but owing to
increasing trade demanding alterations and extensions the original
building is hardly recognisable in the block opposite.
Space does not permit of a description of the various
operations of cutting machinery, folding, &c., but an idea of the
extent of the business carried on may be gathered from the fact
that over 600 employes are busily engaged, hundreds of
thousands of yards of shirting are held in stock, and the output
is 36,000 garments per week. Mention must be made here that,
in addition to the making of shirts, duck jackets, overalls,
artisans' jackets, &c., are among the garments produced. The
business has grown from a turnover in the first year of £13,822
to £150,000 in 1913.
Visitors to the works are impressed by the up-to-date
machinery, the systematic manner in which so large an output
is dealt with, the light, airy, and spacious workrooms, and the
spirit of contentment prevailing among the workers. The normal
hours worked are forty-eight per week, no stoppages are made for
needle and thread, and piecework wages are paid considerably
in advance of the rate outside.
Cabinet making by the C.W.S. commenced in 1893. Prior
to this date furniture was bought "in the white," polishing,
&c., being done at Balloon Street. In compliance with the
demand of the delegates the present factory was erected, the
first of the Broughton group. It is not intended to detail here
the various vicissitudes to which this enterprise has been subject;
suffice it to say that the factory experienced a lean period extending
from the commencement to 1905, but since this date progress
has been made, other branches of trade added — viz., chair-making,
upholstering, bedding manufacture, and down quilt making — and
the outlook at the present time is much brighter than at any
other period in the history of the factory. The goods are second
to none, and are made of sound materials by well-paid trade union
labour and under the best conditions. When co-operators overcome
the present-day tendency (which should be repugnant to them)
of purchasing goods in the cheapest market, no matter how and
where they are made, and give their practical support to the
factories worked for the mutual benefit of themselves and the
workers, there will be an increase in trade at Broughton to which
the management is thoroughly entitled.
130
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Cabinet Factory, Pelaw.
'T'HE arrangement of these ])uildings has been made
■■■ with the greatest care and forethought. Economy in
transit, unloading, and storage are followed by a carefully-
planned system of putting the work through inside the
factory ; from the rough log to the finished article no
point is missed. At the back of the factory one looks
down from the level of the yard on to the railway siding,
into which the wagons of timber are shunted. A
travelling electric crane here renders great service by
directly transporting the logs from the railway to the
timber store and saw shed.
Every possible precaution is taken to ensure the
proper drying of the wood, and the heat from the boilers
of the power-house is utilised for this purpose. The
factory is replete with the most recent inventions in the
way of machinery, and in addition is fitted with a system
of exhaust pipes which suck the dust and shavings from
the machines and deposit them in the boiler-house. There
has lately been added some new machinery for the
washing, pulling, and sterilising of flock, and also two
machines for the purifying and sorting of featheis, thereby
ensuring complete cleanliness and purity in the making
of mattresses and beds, &c., for which there is now a
very great demand in the district. There are no
productions of the C.W.S. more worthy the support of
the Societies, as an inspection of the showrooms at
Newcastle would prove.
133
Broughton Mantle and Underclothing
Factories^
TADIES' mantle and costume making by the C.W.S.
■■^ began in 1896. Six employes were then engaged,
and the work was carried on in a corner of the Shirt
Factory. In accordance with the rule associated with
C.W.S. enterprise, the trade grew until the present
up-to-date factory was erected, in which over 300 hands
are employed, and a glance at the pattern and design
books issued by this factory will bring conviction that
the costumes, &c., turned out should satisfy even the
most fastidious of the fair sex. Considering the fickleness
of the English climate it is not a matter for wonder that
the factory should also specialise in rainproof s. The same
remarks as to conditions, &c., applying to other C.W.S.
factories, are also relevant here. From the first operation
of cutting the cloth by the band-knife to the pressing of
the garments by irons, heated with hot air and gas,
the dropping and lifting being controlled by the foot,
numerous labour-saving machines are at work. We see
the braiding, button-holing, two-needle, overlocking
machines all electrically driven, and one is amazed at
the ingenuity of these machines, but in the case of the
C.W.S. that ingenuity has been applied not for the
destruction, but for the construction of a system for the
uplifting of humanity.
The same block of buildings houses the Underclothing
Factory, and here again we have the light, airy, and
lofty workrooms. A multiplicity of articles of women's
and girls' attire come under the category of "under-
clothing," but to the masculine mind the machinery in
this factory again appeals in preference to their delicate
productions. Here again are the overlocking machine
for stitching on elegant borders, hemstitching and tuckiug
machines, and electric irons for the finishing process.
A speciality is the making of overalls or magyars — a
useful article which has found much feminine favour.
The two factories described produce all the necessary
articles, except head and footgear, the completeness of
which is a tribute to the method and efficiency of the
management.
184
^f"
^^
Desborough Corset Factory*
^T'HE Corset Factory was originally a meraber of the
■*■ Broughton group, and it began operations on October
20th, 1898. A few years sufficed to prov^e that at some
time in the future larger premises would be required,
and the attention of the Wholesale Committee was
■drawn to Desborough. The Northamptonshire township
had a claim to be considered as a corset-making centre,
and it also made a strong co-operative appeal. The
distributive Co-operative Society at Desborough, besides
enrolling the greater number of the inhabitants, had
attained a unique position. With the help of a loan
secured from the C.W\S. it had purchased (in 1898) a
freehold estate of over 400 acres, carrying with it the
local Manor House. Under 80 acres of this land a bed
of iron ore, sufficiently valuable to recoup the Society
for the whole first cost, was afterwards found. The
Desborough co-operators decided to work this themselves ;
and, under the circumstances, to find employment for
the girls and women of the village, they were ready to
offer the C.W\S. special terms. At the Quarterly
Meetings in December, 1904, the Wholesale Committee
obtained approval for a purchase of 7,556 square yards
of building land, fronting on the Eothwell Eoad,
Desborough; 500 square yards adjoining were afterwards
bought. Meanwhile the existing Desborough Corset
Manufacturing Society was taken over, and finally on
July 3rd, 1905, the whole of the business was transferred
to the fine new factory which by that time had been
erected on the Eothwell Eoad site.
IS*:
Longsight Printing Works*
TYTHEN the annual sales of the C.W.S. approached
^^ £10,000,000 the question presented itself whether
the demand for printing, books, and stationery consequent
upon such a huge business could not be met by the
Society itself. The question received an affirmative
answer, and in 1895 work was begun in a small way in
a warehouse that stood upon part of the site now
covered by the Bank. The venture proved successful
in so many ways that it was realised that the
available accommodation would speedily prove inadequate.
Building operations were then begun on a plot of land
at Longsight, already owned by the C.W.S. , and close
to the tram route. The new works were ready in 1898,
and the 100 employes then engaged had ample space for
the performance of their duties. Now, in 1914, the stafT
is nearly 1,200, a fact that testifies eloquently to
the progress of the works. In 1902 an extension to the
works was made, and in 1906 another wing of five storeys,
was opened, and now the capacity of the works is tested
to its full extent.
The whole of the allied trades connected with the
printing business are engaged in these works, and thus
the diversity of work carried on is too great to specify
in detail. Besides the production of account books for
the C.W.S. and its constituent Societies, and balance
sheets, the works have dealt with many jubilee histories
for a large number of Societies, in quantities ranging
from 30,000 books of 700 pages each to small orders of
one or two thousand. Here also is produced the
** Wheatsheaf," a monthly journal published for about
500 Societies, who contribute pages of local interest to
their special editions. A total circulation of nearly
550,000 monthly has now been reached. A fine range
of lithographic machinery is always busy with box
labels, &c., and towards Christmas with many thousands-
of almanacs. Box-making is also an important feature;
of the works, as the extent and variety of the C.W.S.
industries call for an incessant supply of boxes literally
by millions.
138
a
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Printing Works, Pelaw*
npHIS department commenced at West Blandford Street
■■■ in the spring of 1898, in connection with the paper
department whicli had been started previously, and in
July, 1902, a removal took place to the new works at
Pelaw, where the paper and printing departments were
carried on jointly up to June, 1908, when, consequent
on the necessity for a greater development of the two
branches of business, it was deemed advisable to separate
the two departments, and leave the printing and allied
trades the full use of the Pelaw Works.
As in most of the C.W.S. factories, white glazed
bricks are used to line the walls inside. The lighting of
the rooms is thus very much improved, while cleaning
is a matter of the greatest ease. Not merely is dirt less
liable to lodge on the porcelain surface, but it shows
itself to the eye at once when there. The rooms are all
heated and ventilated by the Sirocco system. Large air
ducts lead from the heating apparatus, which is in a
small separate building, to each room. A powerful fan
drives the warm air through these pipes into each room.
The air supplied has the normal amount of moisture in it,
and is much more healthy to breathe and work in than
the dry heat of a room warmed by radiation from hot
pipes or metal surfaces.
The equipment of the works is of the most modern
character, a large addition having been made to the plant
during the past three years. The works, which are lighted
and machinery driven by electricity, cater for the full
requirements of the C.W.S. works and departments, as
well as Societies in the North, for every description of
printing, bookbinding, cardboard box-making, &c., and
the trade is a constantly increasing one.
141
Leicester Printing Works*
^TpHESE premises were originally occupied as the
■'■ hosiery factory, but when the new factory at
Huthwaite was completed and the business transferred it
was decided to utilise the building as an auxiliary printing
w^orks. To this end certain necessary alterations were
made and modern machinery installed, and a start was
made in March, 1909. In 1912 a further plot of land was
secured and a large extension to buildings made, and the
capacity of the works doubled. New machinery has been
installed to deal with the growing trade. The works can
execute orders for all kinds of printing, bookbinding,
ruling, and box-making. In the last-named industry over
50,000 boxes are turned out weekly for our own boot
works, and millions of cartons of all sizes for various
packed goods.
142
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A-
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^
West Hartlepool Lard Refinery, &c*
'TT'HESE modern premises (which are situated at the
■■■ corner of Oxford and Baltic Streets, the main
entrance being from Oxford Street) were specially erected
for the process of lard refining, and are equipped with
the most up-to-date appliances for this business, capable
of a weekly output of 100 tons. They are fitted
throughout with electric lights, motors, &c., and among
other advantages there are cold storage chambers in
which all refined lard is warehoused. The refinery is
within easy access of the docks, there being a continuous
line of railway up to the works, running into a large
covered shed at the back of the premises, so that goods
can be both despatched from and received at the works
in trucks, all loading and discharging being done under
cover.
145
Flannel Factory, Littleborough,
npHE manufacture of flannel in Lancashire dates back
■^ to the reign of Edward III., when certain Flemish
weavers, exiled by troubles at home, settled down in the
wild and lofty moorland between Lancashire and
Yorkshire. From them in part were descended the famous
handloom flannel weavers of Eochdale who began the
co-operative movement.
In 1872 co-operators in the neighbourhood formed
the Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive Society, and
began to make flannel at Hare Hill Mill. The venture,
however, was not a success, and in 1878 it went into
voluntary liquidation. In 1898 the business was
purchased by the C.W.S., and has since taken its place
as a profit-earning department.
146
Tobacco Factory, Manchester^
pOE many years the demand for tobacco had been
■*■ steadily growing, and about 1896 the Directors of the
C.W.S. felt that the time was opportune for embarking
on the manufacture of the fragrant weed. A factory was
bought in Sharp Street, a few minutes' walk from Balloon
Street, and a start was made in 1898. Instant success
attended the enterprise, and within four years a trade of
£300,000 per annum was reached. Alterations and
additions proceeded rapidly, until the buildings now cover
the ground to the extent shown in the illustration, the
total floor space being well over 10,000 square yards. As
an indication of the strenuous efforts made to meet the
varied tastes of the consumers, it may be mentioned that
the factory turns out 480 separate kinds of roll, flake,
mixture, shag, honeydew, cigars, and cigarettes. The
annual production amounts to 1,500 tons tobacco,
4,140,000 cigars, and 53,000,000 cigarettes.
149
Hosiery Factory, Huthwaite*
npHE connection of the CAY.S. with hosiery began in
■■• 1903, when the Leicester Hosiery Factory, which had
previously been run as a copartnership works, was taken
over as a going concern. For about five years operations
were carried on in the old building, but in 1908 the
business was transferred to a new and commodious factory
designed and erected by the C.W.S. at Hucknall
Huthwaite, fourteen miles from Nottingham.
The building, which lies just behind the main road
from Sutton to Huthwaite, is of two storeys without a
basement. It takes the shape of an L, with the
engine-house and other incidental buildings grouped in
an angle. From one extreme of the L to the other it is
one lofty hall, lit from roof and sides.
The factory produces all kinds of hosiery, such as
stockings suitable for all varieties of extremities; socks
also, and underclothing, cardigans, &c.
All that modern machinery can do, guided by expert
management, is brought to bear upon the work, with
the result that the C.W.S. hosiery is second to none.
160
^^^^^^^^
*
Bury Weaving Shed*
nr^HIS factory, opened in February, 1905, is situated at
*■ Springs, Bury, about ten miles from Manchester,
and, being directly connected with the Lancashire and
Yorkshire Eailway, is conveniently placed with regard to
traffic facilities. As may be seen from the illustration,
ample provision is made for a full volume of light, and the
floor space gives ample room for each branch of the work.
There are about 900 looms at work making domestics,
Wigans, sheetings, &c. The material woven here is dyed
and finished elsewhere, these operations being distinct and
separate trades. The bulk of it reappears as lining or
pocketing, the "Sataline" fabric being in considerable
favour amongst the Societies.
k
153
Radcliffe Weaving Shed*
npHIS is the latest C.W.S. development on the
•■■ productive side. The site for the shed has been
admirably chosen just on the borders between Eadcliffe
and Bury (Lancashire). Only coloured goods are woven,
principally shirtings, and the other mills required for
the various finishing processes are close at hand. The
building is worthy of the G.W.S. Distinctive features
are individual electric drive for each loom and machine,
the current being supplied by the Bury Corporation.
There are no humidifiers, so the health of the employes
stands to gain. All "conditioning," therefore, is done
to the yarn, and for this purpose there is a good cellar.
Automatic looms are being used, which m.ean better and
more reliable cloth. The productions have given every
satisfaction, and with the foundations of success so
securely laid, firm hopes for the future may be entertained.
154
a:
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Pi
1
Keighley Ironworks.
'T'HE inception of these works was due to the local
•^ co-operators, who in 1885 had under consideration
a proposition to enter into a local industry. Eventually
a Society was formed and registered, premises taken, and
work commenced.
In 1907 negotiations were promoted with a view to
the acquirement of the Society by the C.W.S., and in
1908 the transfer was an accomplished fact.
In 1909 the foundry was extended and more
commodious buildings erected for the machine depart-
ment, and altogether the buildings are very substantial
and well adapted to the demands of the work. The works
are thoroughly equipped with machinery for economical
production, and for both driving and lighting electricity
is the motive power.
As regards conditions of labour and wages paid, there
is no hesitation in declaring them to be in harmony with
the aims and desires of co-operators.
The principal articles of manufacture are washing
machines and wringers, bedsteads of iron and brass, and
wire mattresses.
157
Dudley Bucket and Fender Works,
n^HESE works were established in 1888 as an
"■• independent Productive Society, and after twenty
years of steady progress the works were taken over by
the C.W.S. at the same time as the Keighley Ironworks.
The main products of the factory are fenders,
fire-irons (curb, brass, and antique), and fire brasses.
These are of a great variety in design, as new patterns
are constantly in demand. Iron, steel, brass, and copper
are all brought into requisition, singly or in combination,
to produce attractive articles of furniture. The less
ornamental but often more useful bucket is also made in
large quantities and many sizes. Galvanised goods, such
as buckets, baths, waterloos, &c., also constitute a large
proportion of the trade.
1D8
3
Birtley Tinplate Works^
nr HESE are the largest works of the kind in the North
•■■ of England devoted to the production of tinware,
steel, and sheet metal goods of every description.
The 'vsorks are situated in the south-west of Birtley,
adjoining the main line of the North-Eastern Eailway,
six miles south of Newcastle-on-Tyne.
The building is a brick structure, composed of single
and two-storey buildings, and, with the various
outbuildings, covers close on an acre of land.
The machine and general workshop is fitted up with
modern machinery, with power presses for all classes of
work, and automatic machinery for the production of
sheet metal goods. Domestic tinware is here made in
large quantities and of great variety, over 500 various
articles being made in this department.
Special flour bins and shoots are made for the storage
of all kinds of flour, meal, and grain. In this department
are also manufactured the noted steel panel trunks.
There are also manufactured ventilators, flour mill spouts
and hoppers, &c., to suit the requirements of the various
productive departments.
All the machinery is worked by electric motors, and
the conditions of labour are all that could be desired.
M 161
Paint, Colour, and Varnish Works,
Rochdale.
npHESE premises were opened in November, 1911,
■*■ and are completely equipped for the manufacture of
paints, colours, varnishes, distempers, enamels, &c. A
large and increasing trade is being done, and the
productions are giving every satisfaction.
A speciality is made of high-class paints, colours, and
varnish for building and painting departments.
162
.#
I
Steamships Department*
npHE Garston and Eouen service was started by the
■■■ Society with a fortnightly steamer in the early part of
1879, and in 1894, on the opening of the Manchester Ship
Canal, a separate fortnightly service was commenced
between Manchester and Eouen, the s.s "Pioneer"
being the first boat to land inward foreign cargo direct
on to the Manchester Quay.
In 1905 the service was rendered more efficient by
making it weekly from each port, instead of fortnightly.
The boats call at Swansea on the outward voyage to
load tinplates and other general goods.
The sailing days are from Manchester every Tuesday ;
from Garston, Wednesday; and from Swansea, Friday,
arriving at Eouen Sunday. The homeward sailings are
from Eouen every Wednesday, arriving at Manchester on
Sunday. Two steamers are at present engaged in the
service, viz., the s.s. "Fraternity" and "New Pioneer."
S.S. *^ FRATERNITY/'
The "Fraternity" was built at Glasgow in 1903.
Dimensions, 180ft. 2in. x 28ft. lin. x 15ft. Gin. ; net
tonnage, 281. She carries 650 tons cargo and 100 tons
bunkers. The crew consists of 15 hands ; master, Captain
E. Bell.
165
S.S. "New Pioneer."
npHE "New Pioneer" was built at Walker-on-Tyne,
■*■ December, 1905, to replace the original "Pioneer,"
sold in 1906. Dimensions, 193ft. x 29ft.. 6in. x 12ft.
4in. ; net tonnage, 320. She carries 750 tons cargo and
100 tons bunkers. The crew consists of 15 hands;
master, Captain J. T. Gemmell.
IG6
Roden Convalescent Home*
THE Eoden Estate, purchased by the C.W.S. in 1896,
included the Roden Hall, a small modern country
house standing in its own grounds. After alterations and
enlargements the house was opened in July, 1901, as a
Convalescent Home. It has accommodation for fifty
persons. The house includes a men's sitting-room, a
billiard-room, a library, a handsome dining-room, which
is used also for concerts and dances, a ladies' sitting-room,
a conservatory, separate bedrooms, and also bedrooms
for married couples as well as the matron's apartments,
kitchens, &c. The Home has its own kitchen garden and
tennis courts. A bowling green and cricket ground
adjacent is used jointly by visitors and the employes of
the estate. The Home is open, first, for convalescents,
who, being recommended by a Co-operative Society
federated with the C.W.S. , and not suffering from
infectious disease, are received at a charge of 12s. 6d. per
week. AYhen there is room visitors are also received at
■25s. per week, or for a week-end for 12s. The official
receiving day for convalescents is Tuesday, when a
physician attends at the Home.
Roden Estate.
'T'HE C.W.S. Eoden Estate, in Shropshire, consists of
■*■ 742 acres on the banks of the Httle river Eoden, and
is situated six miles north-east of Shrewsbury. Of this
land 208 acres are farmed by the C.W.S. , the remainder
being mainly let to farmers. Fifty acres are (summer,
1914) under fruit, seventy acres are mov/ing and grazing
land, and the rest is planted with peas, roots, and cereals.
Besides the fruit farm there are the glasshouses, the total
length of which amounts to over a mile and a half.
Tomatoes, cucumbers, and grapes are chiefly grown.
Thirty-four men are employed on the farm, and thirty-
two men and five women in the glasshouses ; while in the
fruit-picking season a large temporary staff is recruited
from the Wellington and Oakengates districts. The fruit
picked is taken daily four miles to Crudgington Station,
on the Wellington and Market Drayton line, by steam
lurry. The lurry does the work of seven horses, and there
are fourteen horses kept on the farm. Modern cottages-
have been built for employes, fitted with electric light,
and are let at a rent of 3s. weekly. An institute, with
lending library and reading and billiard i'"Ooms, has also
been provided by the C.W.S., and in this building
religious services are held every Sunday. The estate has
its own water supply by means of a pumping station, and
its own plant for electric lighting; also an organised
fire brigade. The estate was acquired in 1896.
170
ii
w
««.i«* "
Hf
o
^
Wisbech Fruit Depot.
HTHE Wisbech Fruit Depot is an unpretentious
■*■ building, but forms an important link between the
agricultural industry of the Eastern Counties and the
C.W.S., acting as a collecting and distributing station for
fruit and vegetables grown so abundantly in this locality.
The Depot was first started in connection with the
purchase of potatoes, in which a large business is done,
while vegetables for pickling are despatched to Middleton,
Silvertown, and Pelaw factories. In the winter months
employment is given to some seventy women at pea
picking in connection with the dried-pea trade. During
the summer, daily consignments of fruit are received from
the fruit growers in the neighbourhood, the bulk of this
being immediately despatched to the Middleton Preserve
\Yorks for jam. An increasing trade with the C.W.S.
is that of canned fruits, and in order to preserve the
strawberries, raspberries, &c., while absolutely fresh, the
fruit is heated in retorts and canned the same day that it
arrives from the farmers, and is afterwards sent by rail to
Middleton, where it is labelled and distributed. Green
fruit is also collected and despatched to the various
warehouses of the C.W.S. , and also to the Scottish
Wholesale Society.
The building is 133 feet long by 30 feet wide, but the
site provides ample room for extension as the business
develops. The Depot is well situated for the ready
despatch of produce, the railway siding in connection with
the Great Eastern Railway giving convenient access to
all the distributive centres and productive works.
178
Coldham Estate, near Wisbech*
LJEKE the C.W.S. has an estate in one of the best
•*■ ■*■ farming districts of the country. The acreage is
about 802, and consists in the main of four farms —
Percival House, Fen, Lilypool, and Jew House. The
first and chief of these adjoins the Coldham railway
station, the farmhouse being but a couple of minutes
distant. The other lands also adjoin side by side at
different points. Peas, potatoes, and fruit will be the
main supplies from the land. The co-operative store
movement, as brought into touch with the land through
the C.W.S. salerooms and factories, can absorb huge
quantities of all kinds of produce, and the only problem is
to grow it in sufficient quantities at any two or three
places to make the handling economical and the business
worth while.
174
-m
Marden Estate.
npHE Marden Fruit Farm, which hes about five miles
■^ from the city of Hereford, was purchased by the
C.W.S. in 1904 as an extension of the "back-to-the-land"
pohcy initiated at Eoden, The county of Hereford is
famous for its orchards, the rich soil being eminently
suited for fruit growing. The Marden Estate has nearly
120 acres devoted to fruit culture, of which plums, apples,
strawberries, gooseberries, and black currants are chiefly
in favour.
Whilst tomato growing is on a smaller scale than at
Eoden, there is a goodly extent of glasshouses at Marden,
where this popular fruit- vegetable is reared, and, in spite
of every effort to keep pace, the demand from retail
Societies exceeds the supply. The co-operative taste has
learned to distinguish the superior excellence of "our own
grown" tomatoes.
A sure market for fruit is not only found in the same
direction, but the requirements of Middleton Jam Works
are in themselves enormous.
177
Withgill Farm and Chaigeley Estate,
WITHGILL FARM.
'T'HIS farm, situate in the parish of Mytton, is three
■*■ miles from the town of Clitheroe, and comprises an
area of 293 acres, 1 rood, 17 perches of freehold land.
It was purchased for the purposes of a dairy farm, cattle
grazing, and pig feeding and rearing. The farm buildings
have been modernised and brought thoroughly up to date
as regards sanitation, &c., whilst the piggeries now
nearing completion will, when finished, accommodate
about 1,800 pigs.
CHAIGELEY ESTATE.
The estate, which practically adjoins Withgill, contains
an area of 477 acres, 16 perches of freehold land,
and comprises eight farms, three cottages, and a large
manor house, the latter at the present time (November)
being occupied, on the recommendation of the delegates
assembled at the September, 1914, quarterly meeting,
by some fifty-seven Belgian refugees. Auxiliary piggeries
to Withgill are also being erected on one of the small
farms to accommodate 200 pigs.
It is not the intention of the C.W.S. to dispossess the
present tenants, but to take over the farms as and when
they become vacant.
178
iMnSmMi ''^?BiiiiiiiiT''^
Tea Estates, Ceylon,
TI was in 1882 the English and Scottish Wholesale
"■■ Societies combined to establish a joint Tea Department
in London, adjacent to the dock warehouses and brokers'
offices that constitute the great tea market of the country.
At the same time tea planting was beginning in the central
mountainous districts of Ceylon. The superbly beautiful,
winterless island, with .its warm steamy atmosphere in
the mountain regions round Kandy, is now one of the
chief sources of supply, and when the ^Yholesale Societies
decided to follow the trade outside the bounds of this
country, and to become tea planters themselves, it was
to Ceylon they went. In 1902 the Nugawella and
Weliganga estates were bought, and to these properties
the Mahavilla, Dambagalla, Denmark, AVesthall, Lower
Barcaple, and Nagastenne estates have since been added.
Altogether, through their ^Yholesales, English and
Scottish Co-operators own 3,366 acres of Chigalese
ground.
181
I
C
(£3
The Co-operative
Wholesale Society Limited
ENROLLED AUGUST 1 1th, 1863,
under the provisions of the Industrial and Provident Societies
Act, 25 and 26 Vict., cap. 87, sec. 15, 1862.
BUSINESS COMMENCED MARCH 14th, 1864.
SHARES, £5 EACH, TRANSFERABLE.
Wholesale General Dealers, Manufacturers, Bankers, insurers.
Millers, Printers, Bookbinders, Boxmakers, Lithographers,
Architects, Engineers, Builders, Shipov^ners, Butter Factors,
Lard Refiners, Bacon Curers, Fruit Growers, Drysalters, Spice
Grinders, Saddlers, Curriers, Iron Founders and Tinplate
Workers, Tea Growers, Blenders, Packers, Farmers, and
Importers, Fellmongers, Dealers in Grocery and Provisions,
Drapery, Woollens, Ready-made Clothing, Boots and
Shoes, Brushes, Crockery, Carpets, Furniture, Coal, Hides,
Skins, Bones, ^c, ^c.
Manufacturers of Flour, Butter, Biscuits, Sweets, Preserves,
Pickles,Vinegar, Candied Peels, Cocoa, Chocolate, Tobacco,
Cigars, Cigarettes, Snuff, Soap, Candles, Glycerine, Starch,
Blue, Paints, Varnish, and Colours, Boots and Shoes,
Saddlery, Woollens, Clothing, Flannels, Shirts, Mantles,
Underclothing, Overalls, Umbrellas, Leather Bags, Corsets,
Millinery, Hosiery, Silesias, Shirtings, Coloured Cotton
Goods, Pants, Ladies' Underwear, Cardigans, Furniture,
Brushes, General Hardware, Bedsteads, Wire Mattresses,
Mats, Fats, &-c.
0 185
CENTRAL OFFICES,
BANK, SHIPPING, AND COAL DEPARTMENT, GROCERY AND PROVISION AND
BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSES:
Balloon Street, Manchester.
BRANCHES:
West Blandford Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne,
AND
Leman Street, London, E.
INSURANCE.
JOINT INSURANCE DEPARTMENT (C.W.S. €r S.C.W.S.):
Corporation Street, Manchester.
GROCERY SALEROOM, FURNISHING AND STATIONERY
WAREHOUSES:
Corporation Street, Manchester.
DRAPERY WAREHOUSES:
Balloon Street and Dantzic Street,
Manchester,
WOOLLEN CLOTH AND READY-MADES WAREHOUSE:
Dantzic Street, Manchester.
SADDLERY AND UMBRELLA REPAIRING DEPARTMENTS:
Thorniley Brow, Manchester.
HIDE AND SKIN WAREHOUSES:
Elm Street, Manchester ; Copley Hill, Leeds ;
Beeston, Nottingham; Rotherham,
Newcastle-on-Tyne, and Stockton-on-Tees.
FELLMONGERING AND FAT AND BONES DEPARTMENTS:
Pontefract.
186
SALEROOMS:
LEEDS, HUDDERSFIELD, NOTTINGHAM, BLACKBURN,
AND BIRMINGHAM.
PURCHASfNG AND FORWARDING DEPOTS.
England :
LIVERPOOL, MANCHESTER, BRISTOL, LONGTON, GOOLE, GARSTON,
CARDIFF, AND NORTHAMPTON.
Ireland :
CORK, LIMERICK, TRALEE, and ARMAGH.
IRISH CREAMERIES:
BUNKAY BRIDGE, KILCOMMON, TRALEE.
And 6 Auxiliaries.
FOREIGN AND COLONIAL.
America : j France :
NEW YORK. i ROUEN.
Canada : i Spain :
MONTREAL. DENIA.
Denmark :
COPENHAGEN, AARHUS, ODENSE, ESBJERG, and HERNING.
Sweden :
GOTHENBURG.
Ceylon :
COLOMBO.
West Africa :
MAKENE, FREETOWN, and ACCRA.
Southern India :
WYNAAD.
I8T
PRODUCTIVE WORKS AND DEPARTMENTS.
Biscuits, Cakes, Table Jellies, and Sweets Works :
ORUMPSALL, NEAR MANCHESTER.
Boot and Shoe Works :
LEICESTER, HECKMONDWIKE, RUSHDEN, and LEEDS.
Soap, Candle, Clycerine, Lard, Starch, and Blue Works :
IRLAM, NEAR MANCHESTER,
SILVERTOWN (LONDON), and DUNSTON-ON-TYNE.
Tallow Works :
SYDNEY (Australia).
Woollen Cloth Works:
LIVINGSTONE MILL, BATLEY.
Clothing Factories:
HOLBECK (LEEDS), BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER),
LONDON, AND PELAW-ON-TYNE.
Cocoa and Chocolate Works :
DALLOW ROAD, LUTON.
Flour Mills:
DUNSTON-ON-TYNE, SILVERTOWN (LONDON), OLDHAM,
MANCHESTER, and AVONMOUTH (BRISTOL).
Furniture, Bedding, and Cartwrighting Factories:
BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER) and PELAW-ON-TYNE.
Printing, Bookbinding, Boxmaking, and
Lithographic Works :
LONGSIGHT (MANCHESTER), PELAW-ON-TYNE, and LEICESTER.
Preserve, Candied Peel, and Pickle Works,
also Vinegar Brewery :
MIDDLETON JUNCTION, near MANCHESTER.
Preserve, 6-c., Works:
READING.
Shirts, Mantles, and Underclothing, Building and Traffic:
BROUGHTON (MANCHESTER).
Umbrella Making and Repairing : Men's Overalls and Shirts
MANCHESTER. SHEFFIELD.
188
PRODUCTIVE WORKS AND DE?ARTMENTS-conti7tued,
Tailoring, Shirts, Kerseys, Drugs, €rc.:
PELAW-ON-TYNE.
Leather Bag Making: Tailoring and Bedding:
NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE. LONDON.
Bacon Factories:
TRALEE (Ireland) and HERNING (Denmark).
Lard Refineries:
WEST HARTLEPOOL and IRLAM.
Tobacco, Cigar, Cigarette, and Snuff Factory:
SHARP STREET, MANCHESTER.
Flannel and Blanket Factories:
HARE HILL MILLS, LITTLEBORO'.
Corset Factories: Hosiery, drc. Factory:
DESBOROUGH and KETTERING. HUTHWAITE, NOTTS.
Tea Gardens:
CEYLON AND SOUTHERN INDIA.
Weaving Sheds: Brush and Mat Works:
BURY AND RADCLIFFE. HUNSLET, LEEDS.
Fruit, drc. Farms:
RODEN (Sheopshire), HARDEN (Hereford), WISBECH (Cambs.),
and WITHGILL (Lancs.).
General Hardware, Bedstead, Wire Mattress, and
Tinplate Works :
DUDLEY, BIRTLEY, and KEIGHLEY.
Butter Factory :
BRISLINGTON, BRISTOL.
Paint, Varnish, and Colour Works:
ROCHDALE.
Scales Departments:
MANCHESTER, NEWCASTLE, LONDON, BRISTOL, BIR^HNGHAM,
LIVERPOOL, LEICESTER, NOTTINGHAM, and I^EEDS.
Engineering and Power Station:
TRAEFORD park, MANCHESTER.
189
SHIPOWNERS AND SHIPPERS
BETWEEN
GARSTON AND ROUEN; MANCHESTER AND ROUEN.
STEAMSHIPS OWNED BY THE SOCIETY
"FRATERNITY," "NEW PIONEER," "DINAH,"
AND "BRITON."
BANKING DEPARTMENT.
Agencies :
THE LONDON COUNTY AND WESTMINSTER BANK LIMITED,
LONDON, AND BRANCHES.
THE MANCHESTER AND COUNTY BANK LIMITED, CORN
EXCHANGE, MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES.
THE NATIONAL PROVINCIAL BANK OF ENGLAND LIMITED,
MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES.
THE MANCHESTER AND LIVERPOOL DISTRICT BANK LIMITED,
WITHY GROVE, MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES.
THE LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE BANK LIMITED,
MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES.
THE UNION BANK OF MANCHESTER LIMITED, MANCHESTER,
AND BRANCHES.
THE LONDON CITY AND MIDLAND BANK LIMITED, CORNHILL,
LONDON, AND BRANCHES.
WILLIAMS DEACON'S BANK LIMITED, MANCHESTER, AND
BRANCHES.
BARCLAY AND CO. LIMITED, LONDON, AND BRANCHES.
LLOYD'S BANK LIMITED, GREY STREET, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE,
AND BRANCHES.
UNITED COUNTIES BANK LIMITED, BARNSLEY, AND BRANCHES.
LONDON JOINT STOCK BANK LIMITED (Late York City and County
Bank Limited), YORK, AND BRANCHES.
UNION OF LONDON AND SMITH'S BANK LIMITED, BARNSLEY,
AND BRANCHES.
CAPITAL AND COUNTIES BANK LIMITED, LONDON,
AND BRANCHES.
PARRS BANK LIMITED, MANCHESTER, AND BRANCHES.
NORTHAIVJPTONSHIRE UNION BANK LIMITED, RUSHDEN,
AND BRANCHES.
WEST YORKSHIRE BANK LIMITED, HALIFAX, AND BRANCHES.
LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN BANK LIMITED AND BRANCHES.
100
THE COMMITTEE:
ADAMS, Mr. THOMAS, 12, Park View, Stockton-on-Tees.
ALLEN, Mr. THOMAS W., Edward VII. Avenue, Newport, Mon.
COLEY, Mr. PHILIP, 22, Stansfield Street, Sunderland.
DEANS, Mr. ADAM, "The Limes," Belle Grove, Welling, Kent.
DUDLEY, Mr. WILLIAM E., Highlands Road, Runcorn.
ELSEY, Mr. HENRY, " Bickleigh," Testing Grove, Testing Road, Southsea.
ENGLISH, Mr. JOSEPH, "Tynehohne," Birtley, R.S.O., Co. Durham.
GRAHAM, Mr. EDWARD J., 65, Crown Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
GRAHAM, Mr. WILLIAM D., 123, Bede Burn Road, Jarrow-on-Tyne.
GRINDROD, Mr. EMMANUEL, 15, Holker Street, Keighlsy.
HAYHURST, Mr. GEORGE, " Hamelddn," Manchester Road, Accrington.
HEMINGWAY, Mr. WASHINGTON, 108, Bolton Road, Pendleton,
Manchester.
HENSON, Mr. THOMAS J., " Burrington," 11, Weatheroak Road, Sparkhill,
Birmingham.
HOLT, Mr. ROBERT, "Brier Crest," Deeplish Road, Rochdale.
JOHNS, Mr. JOHN E., "Glen Aber," 3, Brunswick Hill, Reading.
KILLON, Mr. THOMAS, 7, Tenterden Street, Bury.
KING, Mr. JOHN W., 15. Petteril Street, Carlisle.
LANDER, Mr. WILLIAM, " Homeside," Lake Road, Ansdell, Lytham.
MARSHALL, Mr. CHARLES, 33, Wentworth Road, York.
Mc.INNES, Mr. DUNCAN, Hamilton Road, Lincoln.
MOORHOUSE, Mr. THOMAS E., Reporter Office, Delph.
MORT, Mr. ISAAC, 233, High Road, Leyton, Essex.
PARKES, Mr. MILES, 16, Heathfield Avenue, Crewe.
PINGSTONE, Mr. HENRY C, "Yew Bank," Brook Road, Heaton Chapel,
Manchester.
SHILLITO, Mr. JOHN (President), 4, Park View, Hopwood Lane, Halifax.
SHOTTON, Mr. THOMAS E., 28, Grosvenor Drive, Whitley Bay.
THORPE, Mr. GEORGE, 6, Northfield, Highroyd, Dewsbury.
THREADGILL, Mr. ARTHUR E., 4, Sherfield Road, Grays, Essex.
TWEDDELL, Mr. TJIO^lASf Vice-President), " Lyndenhurst," Hutton Avenue,
West Hartlepool.
WILKINS, Mr. HENRY J. A., 35, Hamilton Gardens, Mutley, Plymouth.
WOODHOUSE, Mr. GEORGE, " The Laurels," 27, Renals Street, Derby.
YOUNGS, Mr. HENRY J., 6, Portland Place, Old Palace Road, Norwich.
SCRUTINEERS :
Mr. J. J. BARSTOW, Dewsbury.
Mr. E. PROCTER (Moorside), Swinton.
AUDITORS :
Mr. THOS. J. BAYLIS, Masborough. I Mr. C. J. BECKETT, Darwen.
Mr. THOMAS WOOD, Manchester. I Mr. B. TETLOW, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Mr. JOHN SMITH, Middlesbrough. .
191
OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY.
Secretary and Accountant:
Mr. T. BBODRICK.
Joint Insurance (late C.I.S
Mr. J. ODGERS.
Bank Manager and Cashier :
Mr. T. GOODWIN.
BUYERS, SALESMEN, £rc.
Manchester — Grocery and Provisions:
Mr. J. MARTIN. i Mr. L. WILSON.
Mr. A. W. LOBB. | Mr. J. HOLDEN.
Mr. R. TURNER.
Manchester — Paper, Twine, &-c.
Mr. H. WIGGINS.
Manchester — Drapery :
Mr. J. C. FODEN.
Mr. G. TOMLINSON.
Mr. J. BLOMELEY.
Mr. J. BOWDEN.
Mr. E. LEES.
Mr. E. C. REVETT.
Mr. J. D. BALL.
Mr. W. SWINDALE.
Mr. J. EDE.
Mr. H. MOORE S.
Mr. R. H. FOGG.
Mr. J. LOGAN.
Mr. J. E. KNIGHT.
Mr. F. LOCKWOOD.
Mr. S. BOLTON.
Manchester — Woollens, Boots, and Furniture :
WooUens, Ready-mades, and Outfitting Mr. W. GIBSON.
Woollens Mr. G. WOODALL.
Men's and Youths' Ready-mades Mr. W. BOOTH.
Juvenile Clothing Mr. R. C. PEARSON.
Gent's Outfitting Mr. T. LEWTY.
Gent's Bespoke Tailoring Mr. J. A. HOLLAND.
Boots and Shoes and Saddlery Mr. H. JACKSON.
General Furnishing Mr. T. R. ALLEN.
Furniture and Hardware Mr. F. E. HOWARTH.
Shipping Department: Export Department:
Mr. A. E. MENZIES. Mr. C. BOOTH.
Coal Department:
Mr. S. ALLEN.
Manchester, Leeds, Newcastle, Stockton, Beeston, and Rotherham
Hides and Skins Mr. G. TURNER.
Pontefract :
Fellmongering Mr. G. TURNER.
Fat and Bones .^ Mr. P. S. WILSON.
Shipping and Forwarding Depots:
Rouen (France) Mr. J. MARQUIS.
Goole Mr. E. W. RAPER.
192
BUYERS, SALESMEN, ^c. -continued.
London :
Tea and Coffee Mr. W. B. PRICE.
Luton :
Cocoa and Chocolate Mr. E. J. STAFFORD.
Liverpool :
Grocery and Provisions Mr. W. L. KEWLEY.
Salerooms :
Leeds Mr. W. POLLARD.
Nottingham Mr. A. DELVES.
Huddersfield Mr. J. O'BRIEN.
Birmingham Mr. J. BARLOW.
Blackburn Mr. H. SHELMERDINE.
Longton :
Crockery Depot Mr. J. RHODES.
Birmingham :
Cycle Depot ' Mr. H. H. BAILEY.
Newcastle :
Chief Clerk Mr. H. R. BAILEY.
Grocery and Provisions Mr. R. WILKINSON.
Mr. T. WEATHERSON.
Greengrocery Mr. J. ATKINSON.
Drugs, Drysaltery, &c Mr. R. A. WALLIS.
Paper, Twine, &c Mr. H. GLENNY.
Dress Mr. J. LEE.
Manchester and Greys Mr. W. STODDART.
Hosiery, Haberdashery, Mercery, Millinery, Fancy,) ,,■ ^ mrw^T^ic
and Mantles [ ^^- ^- -L^WWb.
WooUens and Ready-mades Mr. J. THOMPSON.
Boots and Shoes Mr. 0. JACKSON.
Furniture, Carpets, and Hardware Mr. J. W. TAYLOR.
Jewellery, Fancy Goods, and Saddlery Mr. H. H. BAILEY.
Coal Mr. E. NELSON.
Cattle Mr. E. JONES.
London :
Chief Clerk Mr. W. E. S. COCK.
Grocery and Provisions Mr. W. OPENSHAW.
Manchester, Greys, Mercery, Haberdashery, and Hosiery Mr. F. G. WADDINGTON.
Millinery, Dress, Fancy, and Mantles Mr. J. W. FORSTER.
WooUens and Ready-mades Mr. G. HAY.
Boots and Shoes Mr. A. PARTRIDGE.
Furnishing Mr. F. LING.
Coal Mr. J. BURGESS.
193
BUYERS, SALESMEN, ^c— continued.
Chief Clerk
Grocery and Provisions . . .
Fancy Drapery
Heavy Drapery
Woollens and Ready-mades
Boots and Shoes
Furnishing
Brislington Factory
Bristol Depot
Grocery and Provisions
Fancy Drapery . . . .
Heavy Drapery
Grocery and Provisions
Drapery
Cardiff Depot:
Northampton Depot
Mr. J. WHITE.
Mr. J. W. JUSTHAM.
Mr. E. H. FLUDE.
Mr. W. F. JAMES.
Mr. G. H. BARNES.
Mr. W. WALFORD.
Mr. C. HOULGATE.
Mr. 0. THOMAS.
Mr. J. F. JAMES.
Mr. E. H. FLUDE.
Mr. W. P. JAMES.
Mr, A. BAKER.
Mr. G. PEARSON.
IRISH DEPOTS:
BUTTER AND EGGS, ALSO BACON FACTORY.
Tralee :
Mr. J. J. McCarthy.
Limerick:
Mr. P. HURLEY
Cork:
Mr. J. TURNBULL.
Armagh:
Mr. P. O'NEILL.
Tralee Bacon Factory:
Mr. J. ROBINSON.
COLONIAL AND FOREIGN DEPOTS
New York (America) :
Mr. J. GLEDHILL.
Copenhagen (Denmark):
Mr. W. DILWORTH, June.
Aarhus (Denmark) :
Mr. H. J. W. MADSEN.
Gothenburg (Sweden) :
Mr. W. JOHNSON.
Montreal (Canada):
Mr. A. C. WIELAND.
Odense (Denmark) :
Mr. C. W. KIRCHHOFF.
Esbjerg (Denmark) :
Mr. H. C. KONGSTAD.
Herning (Denmark):
Mr. A. MADSEN.
Denia (Spain) :
Mr. W. J. PIPER.
Ceylon :
Colombo (Joint C.W.S. and S.C.W.S.),
Mr. G. PRICE.
Southern India:
Wynaad, near Madras (Joint C.W.S.
and S.C.W.S.), Mr. G. BENZIE.
West Africa:
Makene, Mr. A. R RICHARDS.
Freetown, Mr. J. R. COCKSEY.
Accra (Joint C.W.S. and S.C.W.S.),
Mr. H. A. PEARCE.
194
MANAGERS, PRODUCTIVE, Src, WORKS.
Architect Mr. P. E. L. HABRIS, aji.i.b.a.
AvoNMOUTH Flour Mill Mr. A. H. HOBLEY.
Batley Woollen Cloth Works. Mr. S. BOOTHROYD.
BiRTLEY TiNPLATE WORKS Mr. A. THORP.
Brodqhton Cabinet Factory Mr. F. E. HOWARTH.
Broughton Clothing Factory Mr. A. GRIERSON.
Brodghton Mantle Factory Mr. J. G. HARRI-SON. '
Broughton Shirt Factory Mr. J. EDE.
Broughton Underclothing Factory Mr. R. KERSHAW.
Building Department Mr. H. TOWNLEY. -..jc,
Bury Weaving Shed Mr. H. BLACKBURN, .,
Crumpsall Biscuit, &c., Works Mr. G. BRILL.
Desborough Corset Factory Mr. P. THOMAS.
Dudley General Hardware Works Mr. J. ROUND.
DuNSTON Flour Mill Mr. T. PARKINSON.
DuNSTON Soap Works Mr. R. BRODRIGK.
Engineer )^ t, j pacc
Engineering and Power Station, Trafford Park. J ^lAbfa.
Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works Mr. J. HAIGH.
Huthwaite Hosiery Factory Mr. H. FRANCE.
Irlam Soap,Candle, Glycerine, Lard, & Starch Wks. Mr. J. E. GREEN.
Keighley Ironworks Mr. H. WHALLEY.: .. ;
Leeds Brush and Mat Factory Mr. A. W. SAUNDERS.'
Leeds Clothing Factory Mr. T. UTTLEY.
Leeds Boot Factory Mr. J. HAIGH.
Leicester Boot and Shoe Works Mr. T. E. HUBBARD.
Leicester Printing and Boxmaking Works Mr. G. SPEAK.
LiTTLEBORo' Flannel Factory Mr. W. H. GREENWOOD.
London Clothing F.-' ctory Mr. G. BRYANT.
Manchester Printing, Bookbinding, Boxmaking,] ,, ^ -dx>-c atst-c-o-
and Lithographic Works f^'- ^- brearley.
Manchester Tobacco, Cigar, Cigarette, and Snuff] ,^ t n n-o *r«/^
Factory } Mr. J. C. CRAGG.
Manchester (Trafford Park) Provender Mill.. Mr. W. H. SLAWSON.
Manchester (Trafford Park) Sun Flour Mill.. I ,, „. at a mm-o-ciTTiTa
Oldham Star Flour Mill ^ Mr. W. MATTHEWS.
Middleton Junction Preserve and Candied Peel) ^ ^^ j TrrkWA-Rn
Works, ALSO Pickle Works and Vinegar Brewery j-^^" ^^' ''■ -ti*-'>'VA±cu.
Pelaw Drug and Sundries Works Mr. R. A. WALLIS.
Pelaw Cabinet and Cart weighting Works Mr. W. KERSHAW.
Pelaw Engineering Works Mr. W. FLETCHER.
Pelaw Printing Works Mr. C. GILHESPIE.
Pelaw Tailoring Factory Mr. J. THOMPSON.
Pelaw Kersey and Shirt Factory Mr. T. TOWNS.
Radcliffe Weaving Sbed Mr. J. T. ROSTERN.
Reading Preserve Works Mr. S. M. WEBSTER.
Rochdale Paint, Varnish, and Colour Works .. Mr. P. KNOWLES.
Rushden Boot and Shoe Works Mr. L. TYSOE.
Scales Departments : Manchester, Newcastle, ]
London, Bristol, Birmingham, Liverpool, - Mr. A. SHORE,
Leicester, Nottingham, and Leeds j
Sheffield Overall Factory Mr. J. EDE.
SiLVERTOWN Flour Mill Mr. G. V. CHAPMAN.
SiLVERTowN Packing Factory Mr. R. A. WALLIS.
Sil\t:rtown Soap Works Mr. J. R. COWBURN.
Sydney (Australia) Tallow Works Mr. L. MEGGITT.
West Hartlepool Lard Factory Mr. W. HOLLAND.
195
EMPLOYES.
NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBER, 1914.
Distributive Departments.
General, Drapery, Woollens, Boot and Shoe, and Fur-
nishing Offices Manchester
Bank
Architect's Office
Grocery Department
Old Trafford Wharf, Bacon and Coffee
Paper, Twine, and Stationery Department Warehouse
Drapery Department
Woollen Cloth Department
Boot and Shoe, and Saddlery Department
Furnishing Department
Coal
Hides and Skins
Building
Dining-room
Engineers'
Scales
Traffic
Other Departments
Collective
Totals.
728
60
36
389
84
24
237
163
83
127
9
10
013
62
57
46
63
83
3.264
Branches.
Newcastle Offices 147
Boot and Shoe Department 30
Drapery Department 209
Furnishing „
Jewellery, &c., Department
Provision Department
Traffic „
Paper, &c., „
Coal „
Dining-room „
Laundry „
Building Department
Woollens, &c., ,,
Architect's ' ,,
Dentistry „
Saddlery „
Cattle „
Grocery ,,
Green Fruit „
Pelaw Drug „
90
82
39
106
32
1
21
5
62
33
8
9
34
3
43
20
490
Carried forward 1,464
Carried forward 3,264
196
NUMBER OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBER, 1914.
CoUeotiye
Totals.
Brought forward 3,964
Branches — continued.
Brought forward 1,464
Newcastle — Pelaw Cabinet Department 277
„ „ Printing „ 189
„ ,, Engineering „ 92
„ Clothing „ 183
„ „ Dining-room „ 6
2,211
London Ofl&ces 165
„ Grocery Department 63
„ Bacon „ 20
„ Drapery „ 77
Woollens „ 23
„ Boot and Shoe Department 20
„ Furnishing „ 30
„ Coal Department 6
„ Dining-room Department 27
Building „ 239
„ Engineers' „ 40
Traffic „ 37
Tailoring „ 125
„ Joint Packing „ 36
Other „ ' 23
„ Silvertown Factory 450
1,381
Joint English and Scottish C.W.S.
London Tea and Coffee Department 436
LutoQ Cocoa Factory 271
Tea Estates 1,031
Lisurance Department (late C.I.S.) 250
West Africa — Accra 2
1.990
Depots.
Bristol 302
Cardiff 107
Northampton 36
445
PuBCHASiNG Depots.
Goole 7
Hull Bacon 5
Liverpool Branch — Grocery and Shipping 96
Longton Crockery 64
Irish Branches and Creameries 107
Tralee Bacon Factory 80
Carried forward 359
Carried forward 9,291
197
NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBEE, 1914.
. . > ..<■ , Collective
. . ; 'i' Totals.
.;;/;: Brought forward 9,291
Purchasing Depots - continued.
Brought forward 359
Leeds Hides and Skins 11
Beeston „ „ 8
Stockton,, „ .... 4
Newcastle Hides and Skins 14
Birmingham Cycle 10
406
Foreign and Colonial Purchasing Depots.
New York 7
Montreal 4
Copenhagen 21
Aarhus 15
Gothenburg 12
Odense 11
Denia 3
Herning 33
Esbjerg 15
West Africa — Freetown 4
„ „ Makene 1
126
Salerooms.
Leeds 5
Nottingham 3
Birmingham 2
Huddersfield 4
Blackburn 1
15
Shipping Offices.
Garston 1
Rouen 23
24
Steamships.
" New Pioneer " 15
" Fraternity" 15
"Dinah" 3
" Briton " 3
36
Productive Works.
Avonmouth Flour Mill 107
Batley WooUen Mill 260
Birtley Tinplate Works 40
Brislington Butter Factory 76
Broughton Cabinet Factory 219
„ o Mantle „ 308
„'.0. Shirt „ 740
„;. ; Tailoring „ 700
Carried forward 2,450
Carried forward 9,898
198
NUMBEK OF EMPLOYES, OCTOBEE, 1914.
Collective
Totals.
Brought forward ^ 9,898
Productive Works— con^inwed.
Brought forward 2,460
Broughton Underclothing Factory 135
Bury Weaving Shed 343
Orumpsall Biscuit Works 640
Desboro' and Kettering Corset Factories 350
Dudley Bucket* and Fender Works 157
Dunston Corn Mill 177
„ Soap W' orks 185
Enderby Boot and Shoe Works 316
Heckmondwike Currying Department 22
Shoe Works 358
Huthwaite Hosiery Factory 674
Irlam Soap Works 965
Keighley Ironworks 137
Leeds Ready-Mades 1,236
„ Brush Factory 242
„ Shoe Works 203
Leicester Shoe Works, Knighton Fields 1,308
„ „ Duns Lane 477
Printing Works 190
Littleborough Flannel Factory 95
Longsight Printing Works 1,180
Manchester Millinery 35
„ Tobacco Factory 738
Sun Corn Mill 289
„ „ Provender Mill 15
Middleton Junction Preserve, Pickle, and Vinegar Works 686
Oldham Star Corn Mill 98
Pontefract Fellmongering 57
Radclifie Weaving Shed 194
Rochdale Paint, &c., W^orks 19
Rushden Boot Factory 466
Sheffield Shirt Factory 135
Silvertown Corn Mill 112
Soap Works 221
Sydney Tallow Factory 53
Wellingborough Closing and Legging Factory 135
West Hartlepool Lard Refinery 25
Wisbech Fruit Depot 24
15,142
Clitheroe Estate 7
Coldham Farm, Wisbech 45
Marden Fruit Farm 29
Roden Estate 68
„ Convalescent Home 12
Total 25,201
190
MEETINGS AND OTHER COMING EVENTS
IN CONNECTION WITH THE SOCIETY IN 1915
^*^
Feb. 6 — Saturday Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving.
Mar. 9 — Tuesday Voting Lists: Last day for receiving.
„ 13 — Saturday .... Divisional Quarterly Meetings.
„ 20 — Saturday General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
May 8 — Saturday Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving.
June 8 — Tuesday ....Voting Lists: Last day for receiving.
„ 12 — Saturday Divisional Quarterly Meetings.
„ 19 — Saturday .... General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
„ 26 — Saturday Half-yearly Stocktaking.
Aug. 7 — Saturday .... Nomination Lists : Last day for receiving.
Sept. 7 — Tuesday Voting Lists : Last day for receiving.
„ 11 — Saturday Divisional Quarterly Meetings.
„ 18 — Saturday General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
Nov. 6 — Saturday. ,. .Nomination Lists: Last day for receiving.
Dec. 7 — Tuesday Voting Lists: Last day for receiving.
„ 11 — Saturday Divisional Quarterly Meetings.
„ 18 — Saturday General Quarterly Meeting — Manchester.
„ 25— Saturday Half-yearly Stocktaking.
200
RECORD OF EVENTS IN C.W.S. HISTORY.
Date. Events.
1860 (Aug. 12) Tea Party and Discussion at Lowbands Farm, Jumbo,
Committee appointed to prepare the way for
federation.
,, Conference at Oldham.
,, (Oct. 7) Conference at Rochdale.
,, (Dec. 25) The Committee formed at Jumbo reporfs to a Conference
at Manchester. Further steps taken to alter the law.
1861 (Mar. 29) Further Conference at Oldham.
,, (June) The Co-operators' Bill introduced, but abandoned for the
Session.
,, (Dec. 25) Further Conference at Rochdale.
1862 Industrial and Provident Societies Act passed.
, , Midland Counties Co-operative Wholesale Industrial and
Provident Society Limited established at Northampton.
, , (Good Friday) . . " Northern Uni£)n of Co-operative Stores ' ' projected at
Newcastle.
1863 (April 3) Special Conference in Ancoats, Manchester. C.W.S.
resolved upon.
,, (June 8 and July 25) C.W.S. Rules drafted.
,, (Aug. 11) C.W.S. legally enrolled.
,, (Oct. 10) First Meeting after enrolment.
,, (Nov. 21) First General Meeting of the C.W.S. Officers and
Committee appointed.
1864 (Mar. 14) C.W.S. commenced business, at 3, Cooper Street,
Manchester.
,, (May 21) C.W\S. Half-yearly Meeting in the Temperance Hall,
^lanchester. Thirty-two Societies represented.
,, (Nov.) C.W.S. removes to 28, Cannon Street, Manchester.
Dividend of IJd. in the £ declared on purchases.
1865 C.W.S. occupies premises at 53, Dantzic Street.
1866 (April 24) Butter Buyer appointed, and Tipperary Depot opened.
,, (April) Establishment of Newcastle Branch mooted.
1867 (April 19) Insurance Conference at Downing Street, Manchester.
,, Industrial and Provident Societies Act annuls the
limitation of Societies' Investments.
,, (June 8) Glasgow Conference to found Scottish C.W.S. English
C.W.S. represented.
,, (Aug. 29) Co-operative Insurance Company (Society) registered.
,, (Nov. 16) Rules altered. Quarterly Meetings and Balance Sheets
decided upon. Depreciation on Buildings commenced.
Committee enlarged from seven to nine Members.
Membership restricted to Retail Societies.
,, The Grocer attempts to organise a boycott.
1868 (June 1) Kilmallock Purchasing Depot opened.
1869 (Mar. 1) First Balloon Street Warehouse opened.
P 201
Record of Events in C.W.S. History.
Date. Events.
1869 (May 81) First Co-operative Congress (present series) and
Co-operative Exhibition held in London.
,, (July 12) Limerick Depot opened.
1870 (Good Friday).. Conference on Banking at Bury.
,, (Aug.) Abraham Greenwood resigns the Chairmanship to become
Cashier. Mr. James Crabtree elected Chairman.
.,, Midland Counties Wholesale Society wound up.
1871 A Southern C.W.S. proposed.
, , Extension of Balloon Street Premises.
,, Industrial and Provident Societies Act amended.
,, (Feb. 18) Rules altered to allow of INIanufacturing.
,, (Aug. 19) Newcastle Branch authorised.
,, (Sept. 2) Co-operative Neivs commenced publication.
1872 (May) Pudding Chare (Newcastle) Premises opened.
,, Congress Discusses Banking.
,, (May 18) First Steps towards Banking Department taken.
,, (July 8) Industrial Bank (Newcastle) commenced.
,, (Aug.) Manchester Boot and Shoe Department constituted.
,, (Oct. 14) " Deposit and Loan Department " commenced.
,, (Oct. 26) Conference at Banbury urges Wholesale to manufacture
Boots.
,, (Nov. 16) C.W.S. authorised to commence Production (Biscuits
and Sweets and Boots and Shoes).
,, (Nov. 16) "North of England" dropped from the Society's Title.
,, (Nov. 16) C.W.S. adopts Profit-sharing.
1873 Wreck of S.S. St. ColumBa leads to C.W.S. forming an
Insurance Fund,
,, Coal "Famine."
,, (Jan. 13) Crumpsall Works purchased.
,, (Feb. 11) Aberdare Society agitate for C.W.S. Depot at Cardiff or
Bristol.
,, (Feb. 15) London Branch discussed.
,, (April 14) Armagh Depot opened.
,, (May 17) Committee authorised to establish a London Branch.
,, (June 2) Manchester Drapery Department commenced.
,, (July 14) Waterford Dep6t opened.
,, (Aug. 2) " United Coal Mining Society " formed.
,, (Sept. 15) Leicester Boot and Shoe Works (Duns Lane) commenced.
1874 (Jan. 22) Waterloo Street Warehouse (Newcastle) opened.
,, (Feb. 2) Tralee Dep6t opened.
,, (Mar. 9) London Branch opened in the Minories.
,, (Mar.) Joint Action with Scottish C.W.S. begun.
,, (May) Mr. James Crabtree retires from the Chairmanship.
J. T. W. Mitchell succeeds.
,, (Sept. 20) Durham Soap Works purchased.
,, (Sept. 24) Rules altered to provide for Representation and
Government of Branches.
,, (Dec. 19) London Branch Committee appointed.
,, (Dec.) Leicester Factory (Duns Lane) purchased.
202
Record oj Events in (.'.U..^. His lory.
Date. Events.
1875 (April 2) Liverpool Purchasing Department commenced.
,, (June 15) Manchester Drapery Warehouse, Dantzic Street, opened.
1876 (Feb. 21) New York Depdt established.
(May 24) S.S. Plover purchased.
(July 16) Manchester Furnishing Department commenced.
(Sept.) Transfer of Industrial Bank contemplated.
(Oct. 5) Industrial Bank fails.
(Nov. 25) Special Conference re C.W.S. attitude towards Industrial
Bank and Ouseburn Works. C.W.S. exonerated from
blame.
, , Industrial and Provident Societies Act legalises Banking.
C.W.S. "Loan and Deposit" Department becomes
the " Banking Department." ,
1877 (Jan. 15) Cork Dep6t established.
,, First Drapery Traveller sent out.
,, (April) "United Coal Mining Society" fails. Bugle Horn
Colliery taken over by CW.S.
1879 (Jan. 18) Garston Forwarding Depot commenced.
,, (Feb. 21) S.S. Pioneer launched.
,, (Mar. 24) Eouen Dep6t opened.
,, (June 30) Goole Forwarding Depot opened.
, , (July 19) Foundation Stone of London Warehouse, Hooper Square,
laid by Judge Hughes.
,, Industrial Depression. Decrease in Sales.
1880 (Jan. 1) C.W.S. 4 nnuaZ first issued.
„ (June 30) S.S. Plover sold.
,, (Aug. 14) ,. Heckmondwike Boot and Shoe Works commenced.
1881 (Jan. 12)., Leman Street (London) Premises opened.
,, S.S. Cambrian purchased.
,, (June 6) Copenhagen Depot opened.
,, (July 30) Conference at Wakefield asks for Yorkshire Branch of
C.W\S.
1882 (Mar.) Bugle Horn Colliery sold.
,, (May) Dining-room, Balloon Street, opened.
,, (Oct. 31) Leeds Saleroom opened.
,, (Nov. 1) Tea Department, London, commenced.
1883 (Feb. 10) Conference at Plymouth on a Western C.W.S. Branch.
,, (July) Direct Cargo of Tea for C.W.S. comes from China.
,, S.S. Maria^ine Br iggs bought and Te-nsLTaed Unity.
,, (Nov. 3) Rules altered : General and Branch Committees enlarged.
1884 (April-June) ... First Deputation to America.
, , (Sept. 13) Commemoration of the Society's Twenty -first Anniversary
at Newcastle-on-Tyne and London.
,, (Sept. 20) Commemoration at Manchester.
,, (Sept. 29) Bristol Depdt commenced business.
,, (Oct. 6) S.S. Progress launched.
,, Hamburg Dep6t opened.
1885 (Aug. 25) Huddersfield Saleroom opened.
,, (Dec. 30) Fire at the London Tea Department.
Record of Events in C.W.S. History.
Date. Events.
1886 (April 22) Nottingham Saleroom opened.
,, (Aug. 25) Longton Dep6t opened.
,, (Aug.) C.W.S. Buyer first visits Greece.
,, (Oct. 12) S.Q. Federation lunnched.
,, (Dec. 4) Cloth Making, Flour Milling, and Cocoa Manufacture
authorised.
1887 £20,000 invested in Ship Canal.
,, (Mar. 14) Batley Mill commenced.
,, (June) Pepper Grinding commenced.
,, (Aug. 29) Heckmondwike Currying Department commenced.
,, (Oct.) Employes' Sick and Burial Club instituted.
,, (Nov. 2) — Manufacture of Cocoa and Chocolate commenced.
,,• (Nov. 2) London (Leman Street) New Premises opened.
1888 Enderby Boot Factory opened.
,, (July) ^.S. Equity launched.
,, (July) Irish Co-operative Aid Association formed.
1889 '.. C.W.S. take Shares in First Irish Dairy Society
registered — Dromcollogher.
,, (Oct. 21) First C.W.S. Dried Fruit Sale held at Liverpool.
1890 (May 16) Blackburn Saleroom opened.
,, (June 10) Leeds Clothing Factory commenced.
,, (Oct. 22) Northampton Saleroom opened.
1891 (Mar. 7) First Divisional Meetings held.
,, (Mar. 14) Land Purchased at Broughton.
,, (April 18) Dunston Corn Mill opened.
,, (June) Site for Irlam Works purchased.
,, (June 20) Profit-sharing finally rejected.
,, (Oct. 22) Cardiff Saleroom opened.
,, (Nov. 4) Leicester Wheatsheaf Works opened.
,, • (Nov. 4) Aarhus Depot opened.
1892 (April 9) Special Meetings endorse Committee's policy on
Insurance Fund.
,, (April 16) Coal Conference at Balloon Street.
,, (May 5) Birmingham Saleroom opened.
,, (Dec. 17 and 21) Newcastle Branch Coming-of-Age Celebrations.
1893 (May 8) Broughton Cabinet Factory opened.
1894 (Jan. 1) Ship Canal opened for Trafftc. S.S. Pioneer first
Merchant Vessel to reach Manchester from oversea.
,, (June) Montreal Depot established.
, , (Oct . 2) Irlam Works opened .
,, (Dec. 8) Quarterly Meetings endorse Committee's policy on
Depreciation.
1895 Broughton Tailoring Factory commenced.
,, (Jan. 23) Printing Department commenced.
,, (Mar. 9) First C.W.S. Creamery (Castlemahon) acquired.
,, (Mar. 16) Death of J. T. W. Mitchell.
,, Mr. J. Shi-llito elected Chairman.
,, (April 24) London Branch Coming-of-Age Celebrations.
,, (June) Durham Soap Works closed.
204
Record of Events in C.W.S. History.
Date. Events.
1895 (Aug. 5) Gothenburg Depot opened.
,, (Oct.) S.S. Cui/y run down and sunk in River Seine.
1896 (Jan. 2) Architect's Department formed,
,, (April 24) West Hartlepool Lard Refinery purchased.
,, (June 13) Roden Estate purchased.
,, (June 26) Middleton Jam Works commenced.
,, (July 1) The Wheatsheaf &Tst published.
,, Denia Depot opened.
,, Broughton Mantle, Shirt, and Underclothing Factories
opened.
1897 (Feb. 10) Northampton (Guildhall Road) Premises opened.
,, (Mar. 1) Broughton New Tailoring Factory opened.
,, (Mar. 22) London Tea Department New Premises opened,
,, (Aug. 7) Sydney Dep6t commenced.
,, (Sept. 11) Conmiittee authorised to tender for Government and
Municipal Supplies.
1898 (Mar. 12) Tobacco Factory (Manchester) purchased.
,, (April 1) Littleborough Flannel Mill acquired.
,, (June 11) Quarterly Meetings agree to Augmentation of Insurance
Fund.
, , (June 26) Odense Depot opened .
,, (July 11)... Longsight Printing W^orks comjnenced.
,, (Oct. 20) Corset Making commenced.
,, (Dec. 10) Half-yearly Stocktakings commenced.
,, (Dec. 10) Rules altered to extend C.W.S. Insurance Business.
1899 (June 10) Newcastle Branch Quarterly Meeting first held at West
Blandford Street.
„ (June 25) C.W.S. Di\-idend rises to 4d.
,, (Dec. 16) Rushden Boot Factory purchased.
1900 (Jan. 19) Herning Bacon Factory purchased.
,, (April 14) Silvertown Flour Mills opened.
1901 (April 30) Sydney Tallow Factory purchased.
, , (July 27) Roden Convalescent Home opened .
,, (Aug.-Nov.) Coal Conferences. C.W.S. Coal-mining recommended.
,, (Sept.) Bute Terrace (Cardiff) Premises opened.
,, (Sept. 3) Tralee Bacon Factory commenced.
,, Tax of 4s. 2d. placed on Sugar.
1902 (April 9) ......... Pershore Street (Birmingham) New Premises opened,
and Cycle Depot established.
, , (April 25) Fire at Newcastle Branch.
,, (May 1) Work commenced at Pelaw Drug Factory.
,, (June 21) Nugawella and Weliganga (Ceylon) Tea Estates
purchased.
,, (Sept. 8) Luton Cocoa Works opened.
,, (Sept.) Work commenced at Pelaw Cabinet Factory.
,, (Nov. 1) Launch of S.S. Unity (H.).
1903 (June 20) Trafford ^Vharf and land purchased.
,, (July 1) Leicester Hosiery Factory taken over.
,, (Oct. 24) Launch of S.S. Fraternity.
205
Record of Events in C.W.S. History.
Date. Events.
1904 London Brushmaking transferred to Leeds.
,, (Jan. 25) Employes start Thrift Fund.
,, (Feb. 20) Marden JPruit Farm purchased.
,, (April 18) New Drapery Buildings (Manchester) opened.
,, (June 20) Brislington Butter Factory commenced.
,, (June 20) C.W.S. Committee report against buying-CoUieries. Coal
Department re-organised.
,, (July 1) Huddersfield Brush Factory taken over.
,, Collective Life Assurance instituted by C.I.S.
,, Silvertown Grocery Productive Factory built.
1905 (Feb. 15) Weaving commenced at Bury.
,, (June 17) Special'^Committee on C.W.S. Constitution appointed.
,, (July 3) Desborough Corset Factory opened.
,, (Sept. 5) Esbjerg Dep6t opened.
,, (Oct. 26) Launch of S.S. Neiv Pioneer.
1906 (Jan. 1) Rochdale Flour Mill taken over.
,, (Mar. 31) Star^Mill (Oldham) taken over.
,, (April 28) Sun Flour Mill bought.
,, (May 16) Broad Quay (Bristol) Premises opened.
,, (July 21) Report of Special Committee adopted. Unification of
General and Branch Committees.
,, (Oct. 11 to Nov. 23) " Soap Trust " Agitation.
,, (Dec.) East Coast Shipping Department closed.
,, (Dec. 15) Land and Buildings Purchased for Leeds New Brush
Works.
1907 Output of C.W.S. Soap increased by one-third over 1906.
,, C.W.S. House - building Scheme (Bank Advances —
instituted 1897, suspended 1901) re-opened.
,, (June 15) Grants by Committee to Employes' Thrift Fund
approved.
,, (Aug.) Minimum Wage extended to all Adult Male Employes.
,, (Sept. 14) Mitchell Memorial Hall opened.
,, (Oct. 1) Huddersfield New Saleroom opened.
,, (Nov. 9) Special Insurance Conference at Middlesbrough. C.W.S.
urged to take action.
1908 (Feb. 4) Huthwaite Hosiery Factory commenced.
,, (May 18) Silvertown Soap Works opened.
,, (June 29) Keighley Ironworks, Dudley Bucket and Fender Works,
and Birtley Tinplate Works taken over.
,, Sugar Tax Reduced to Is. lOd.
1909 (Jan. 16) Irish Creamery Conference. C.W.S. agree to transfer
Creameries.
,, (Feb. 15) Dunston-on-Tyne Soap Works opened.
,, (Feb. 22) Pontefract Fellmongering commenced.
,, (April 5) Leicester Printing Works commenced.
1910 (April) Individual Deposits accepted by C.W.S. Bank.
,, (April 27) Avonmouth Flour Mill opened.
,, (July 19) Leman Street (London) Extensions opened.
,, (Dec. 17) SpecialMeetingsendorseCommittee'spolicy on Insurance.
206
Record of Events in C.W.S. History.
Date. Events.
1911 (Oct. 18) Hearing of the case Masbro' Equitable Co-operative
Society Limited v. Lever Bros. Limited and Benjamin
Brooke and Co. Limited. C.W.S. defends. Judgment
for defendants.
,, (Dec. 1) Rochdale Paint Works commenced.
1912(Feb.29toMar.2) Plaintiffs' Appeal in Soap Case dismissed.
(Mar, 16) Land Bought for Leeds Boot and Shoe Works.
(July 3) C.W.S. Health Insurance Section formed.
(Aug. 6) Wisbech Estate purchased.
(Aug. 12) Radcliffe Weaving Shed couMnenced.
(Dec. 21) Transfer of Co-operative Insurance Society agreed to by
C.W.S. Quarterly Meetings.
,, (Dec. 21) Delegates recommend Adoption of Minixnum Wage for
Girl and Women Workers on the "Congress" Scale.
1913 (Jan. 20) Sheffield Shirt Factory opened.
, , Denmark (Ceylon) Tea Estate purchased.
,, Lower Barcaple and Westhall (Ceylon) Tea Estates
purchased.
,, (Sept. 13) Clitheroe Estates purchased.
,, (Sept. 13 & 20). The Society celebrates its Jubilee.
„ (Sept. 26) First Food Ship (S.S. Hare) left Ship Canal for Dublin.
,, Depot at Makene (Sierra Leone) established.
1914 South Wynaad (Southern India) Tea Estates purchased.
, Depot at Accra (Gold Coast) established.
,, Freetown (Sierra Leone) Trading Store opened.
207
LIST OF TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESSES,
Armagh Depot: "WHOLESALE, ARMAGH."
AvoNMOUTH Flour Mill: "WHOLESALE, AVONMOUTH."
Batley Woollen Mill: "WHOLESALE, BATLEY."
Beeston Hide and Skin Department: "WHOLESALE, BEESTON,
NOTTS."
Birmingham Cycle Depot: "CO-OPERATE, BIRMINGHAM."
Birmingham Saleroom: "CO-OPERATE, BIRMINGHAM."
BiRTLEY TiNPLATE WoRKS : "WHOLESALE, BIRTLEY."
Blackburn Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, BLACKBURN."
Brislington Butter Factory: "FACTORY, BRISLINGTON."
Bristol Dep6t : "WHOLESALE, BRISTOL."
Bboughton Cabinet Factory: "CO-OPERATOR, MANCHESTER."
Broughton Shirt, Underclothing, and Mantle Factory :
"JACKETS, MANCHESTER."
Broughton Tailoring Factory: "TAILORING, MANCHESTER."
Bury Weaving Shed: "WHOLESALE, BURY."
Cardiff Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, CARDIFF."
Cardiff Co-operative Insurance Society : " COLLECTIVE, CARDIFF."
Central, Manchester: "WHOLESALE, MANCHESTER."
Cork Dep6t: "WHOLESALE, CORK."
Crumpsall Works : "BISCUIT, MANCHESTER."
Desboro' Corset Factory: "WHOLESALE, DESBORO'."
Dudley Bucket Works: "WHOLESALE, DUDLEY."
Dunston-on-Tyne Soap Works: "SOAP, DUNSTON-ON-TYNE."
Dunston-on-Tyne Corn Mill: "WHOLESALE, GATESHEAD."
GooLE Dep6t: "WHOLESALE, GOOLE."
Hartlepool Lard Refinery: " WHOLESALE, WEST HARTLEPOOL."
Heckmondwike Shoe Works: "WHOLESALE, HECKMONDWIKE."
Huddersfield Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, HUDDERSFIELD."
Hull Bacon : " WHOLESALE, HULL."
HuTHWAiTE Hosiery Factory: "WHOLESALE, HUTHWAITE."
Irlam Soap Works: "WHOLESALE, CADISHEAD."
Keighlby Ironworks: "WHOLESALE, KEIGHLEY."
Leeds Brush Factory: "BROOMS, LEEDS."
Leeds Ready-Mades Factory: "SOCIETY, LEEDS."
Leeds Shoe Works: "SYSTEM, LEEDS."
Leeds Sale and Sample Rooms: "WHOLESALE, LEEDS."
Leeds Hide and Skin Department: "SKINS, LEEDS."
Leicester Printing Works: "TYPOGRAPHY, LEICESTER."
Leicester Shoe Works : " WHOLESALE, LEICESTER."
Limerick Depot: "WHOLESALE, LIMERICK."
Liverpool Office and Warehouse: "WHOLESALE, LIVERPOOL."
208
LIST OF TELEGRAPHIC ADDRESSES-continued.
London Branch: " WHOLESALE (ALD.*), LONDON."
London Tea Department: "LOOMIGER (ALD.*), LONDON."
London Co-operati\t: Insurance Society: "CENTRICAL, WESTCENT,
LONDON."
LoNQSiGHT PBiNTmG WoRKS : "TYPOGRAPHY, MANCHESTER."
LoNGTON Crockery Depot : " WHOLESALE, LONGTON (STAFFS.)."
Luton Cocoa Works: "WHOLESALE, LUTON."
Manchester Central: "WHOLESALE, MANCHESTER."
Manchester Co-operati^t: Insurance Society : " COLLECTIVE,
MANCHESTER."
Manchester Hide and Skin Department: "SKINS, MANCHESTER."
Manchester Sun Mill: "SUNLIKE, MANCHESTER."
Manchester Tobacco Factory: "TOBACCO, MANCHESTER."
Marden Fruit Fap^ : "WHOLESALE, MARDEN, HEREFORD."
MiDDLETON Preserve Works: "WHOLESALE, :^^DDLETON
JUNCTION."
Newcastle Branch : "WHOLESALE, NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE."
Newcastle Co-operative Insurance Society : " COLLECTIVE,
NEWCASTLE."
Newcastle Branch, Pelaw: "WHOLESALE, BILL-QUAY."
Newcastle Branch, Cattle Department: "KYLOE, NEWCASTLE."
Newcastle Branch, Greengrocery (Stowell Street) : " LOYALTY,
NEWCASTLE."
Northampton Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, NORTHAMPTON."
Nottingham Saleroom: "WHOLESALE, NOTTINGHAM."
Oldham Star Mill: "STAR, OLDHAIVL"
PoNTEFRACT Fellmongering : "WHOLESALE, PONTEFRACT."
Radcliffe Weaving Shed: "WHOLESALE, RADCLIFFE."
Rochdale Paint Works: " W^HOLESALE, ROCHDALE."
Roden Estate: " W^HOLESALE, RODEN."
RusHDEN Boot Works : "WHOLESALE, RUSHDEN."
Sheffield Shirt Factory: "OVERALLS, SHEFFIELD."
SiLVERTOWN Flour Mill: "CO-OPERATIF (SILVER.*), LONDON."
Silvertown Productive: "PRODUCTIVO (SILVER.'), LONDON."
SiLVERTOWN Soap Works: "OPERSAPO (SILVER.*), LONDON."
Tralee Bacon Factory: "BACON, TRALEE."
Tralee Depot: "WHOLESALE, TRALEE."
Wisbech Fbuit Depot: "WHOLESALE, WISBECH."
The words " Aid." and " Silver." being indicator words are transmitted free.
209
TELEPHONIC COMMUNICATION.
Our Premises in the following towns are directly connected
with the Local Telephone System : —
MANCHESTER-
Nos.
-GENERAL OFFICES
DRAPERY DEPARTMENT
BOOT AND SHOE DEPARTMENT ,
FURNISHING DEPARTMENT I 61,
*CRUMPSALL 'City.
t*LONGSIGHT
*TOBAGCO
*BROUGHTON CABINET WORKS, &c
JOINT INSURANCE DEPARTMENT City I ^^g^
NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE DEPT... „ 7784
HIDE AND SKIN DEPARTMENT Central 5180
POMONA DOCK „ 4608
NEWCASTLE— WATERLOO STREET AND
WEST BLANDFORD STREET.. Post Office 284
WEST BLANDFORD STREET 1787
1260
}> >> >> lyoif
2506
2507
498
CATTLE 1989
SADDLERY DEPT. (West Blandford Street) 2116
GREENGROCERY DE PT. (Stowell Street) . . Central 1524
(New Bridge Street) 2463
QUAYSIDE WAREHOUSE— CROCKERY 1304
GROCERY Central 564
PELAW WORKS Gateshead 121
„ „ Newcastle 2806
HIDES AND SKINS (St. Andrew's Street) 2907
ARCHITECT'S (Westmorland Road) City 478
DENTISTRY ,, ,, ,, 335
INSURANCE DEPT. ,, ,, ,, 2826
LONDON— GENERAL OFFICE ^
GROCERY SALEROOM
DRAPERY
GROVE STREET
READY-MADES » \ Avenue
TEA DEPARTMENT f 7100.
GENERAL OFFICE
FURNISHING AND BOOT DEPARTMENT
BUILDING AND ENGINEERING DEPARTMENT .
TRAFFIC
JOINT INSURANCE DEPARTMENT City ]698
AVONMOUTH FLOUR MILL 51 & 52
BATLEY 101
BEESTON HIDE AND SKIN DEPARTMENT 55
BIRMINGHAM CYCLE DEPOT Midland 838
BIRMINGHAM SALEROOM „ 838
BIRTLEY TINPLATE WORKS 15
BRISTOL (Private Exchange) 1913
* Sub. to Manchester General Offices.
210
i Also 1057, Rusholme.
TELEPHONIC COMMUNICATION— ccmiinued.
N08.
BRISTOL (Private Exchange) 1914
„ „ 1915
,, ,, 1916
,, ,, 1917
;;/.*.*.'.'. ..; „ „ 1918
BRISLINGTON Bristol 1643
BURY 179
CARDIFF (3 lines) 4615
CO-OPERATIVE INSURANCE SOCIETY 2857
DESBOROUGH CORSET FACTORY 22
DUDLEY BUCKET WORKS 22
DUNSTON FLOUR MILL Central 1182
,, 1183
SOAP WORKS Gatrshead 426
„ „ Dunston 11
ENDERBY Narboro' 32
GARSTON 6
GOOLE 2
HECKMONDWIKE 112
HUDDERSFIELD 310
HULL BACON Corporation 2196
HUTH WAITE HOSIERY Sutton-in-Ashfield 66 & 67
I 281
IRLAM Urmston | 282
KEIGHLEY IRONWORKS 160
LEEDS —SALEROOM Central 2098
READY-MADES, HOLBECK „ 1648
BRUSH FACTORY • 4035
HIDE AND SKIN DEPARTMENT 4314
SHOE WORKS Central l^gjg
LEICESTER— WHEATSHEAF WORKS 1132
235
DUNS LANE Central 1829
PRINTING WORKS 1144
LITTLEBOROUGH FLANNEL FACTORY 63
LIVERPOOL— VICTORIA STREET Central 7862
REGENT ROAD ,. 5861
LONGTON 16
LUTON 113
MANCHESTER SUN MILL Trapford Park 334
» » n » » 335
„ „ „ 336
MIDDLETON PRESERVE WORKS Failsworth 33
NORTHAMPTON SALEROOM 206
NOTTINGHAM SALEROOM 2106
OLDHAM STAR MILL 171
PONTEFRACT FELLMONGERING 33
RADCLIFFE WEAVING SHED Whitbfibld 356
ROCHDALE PAINT WORKS 755
RUSHDEN 10
SHEFFIELD SHIRT FACTORY 461
SILVERTOWN FLOUR MILL Eastern 602
PRODUCTIVE „ 1656
SOAP WORKS „ 1354
DINING ROOM „ 1723
WEST HARTLEPOOL LARD REFINERY 286
WISBECH 58
211
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED.
PAST MEMBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTEE.
Name.
Nominating Society.
Elected.
Retired.
*A. Greenwood
Rochdale
1864 March ....
1864 March
1864 March ....
1864 March
1864 March . . . .
1864 March ....
1867 Nov
1864 March ....
1865 Nov
1885 Dec
1886 June ....
1865 Nov
1876 June
1866 May
1866 May
1867 May
1867 Nov
1868 Feb
1870 Feb
1876 March ....
1868 May
1868 Nov
1868 Nov
1868 Nov
1869 May
1869 Nov
1869 Nov
1869 Nov
1870 August . .
1870 Nov
1871 May
1877 June
1871 May
1874 Dec
1871 May
1874 August.
1869 May.
1867 May.
1868 Nov.
fCouncillor Smithies . .
§ James Dyson
John Hilton
Rochdale
Manchester
Middleton
Heywood
Charles Howarth
1866 October.
J. Neild
Mossley j
Rochdale
1865 Nov.
1868 Nov.
1865 Nov.
* James Crabtree
W. Nuttall
Heckmondwike . . -
Oldham |
Oldham
1874 May.
1886 March.
1889 Dec.
1866 Feb.
John Thomasson
1877 Dec.
1869 Nov.
Edward Hooson
SE. Lonsrfield
Manchester
Manchester
Oldham
1869 Dec.
1867 Nov.
Isaiah Lee
1868 Nov.
t J. M. Percival
§D Baxter
Manchester -
[
Manchester
Hyde
1868 May.
1872 August.
1882 June.
1871 May.
1869 Nov.
T. Sutcliffe
Todmorden
Manchester
Oldham
1869 Nov.
J James C. Fox
W. Marcroft
1871 May.
1871 May.
1895 March.
*§J. T. W. Mitchell ....
Rochdale
Eccles
1871 Nov.
R. Holgate
Over Darwen
Rochdale
Batley Carr
Bradford |
Barnsley |
Over Darwen
1870 Nov.
A. Mitchell
1870 Nov.
W. Moore
1871 August.
1874 Dec.
JTitus Hall
B. Hague
1885 Dec.
1873 May.
Thomas Shorrocks
1884 Sept.
1871 Nov.
212
PAST MEMBERS OF GENERAL COMMITTED— contimied.
Name.
Nominating Society.
Elected.
Retired.
♦R Allen
Oldham
1871 August ..
1871 August ..
1873 Feb
1877 April.
1872 Feb.
1874 Feb.
Job Whiteley
Halifax -[
{Thomas Hayes
Failsworth
1871 Nov
1873 August.
Jonathan Fish wick . . .
Bolton
1871 Nov
1872 Feb.
J. Thorpe
{W. Johnson
Halifax
1872 Feb
1872 Feb
1877 June
1873 Feb.
Bolton 1
1876 June.
1885 March.
§H. Whiley
Manchester -
1872 August . .
1874 May
1874 Feb.
1876 March.
J. Butcher
1873 May
1873 August ..
1873 August ..
1873 August.
1874 Dec.
H Atkinson ....
Blaydon-on-Tyne . .
Eccles
William Bates
1907 June.
J. F. Brearley
Oldham
1874 Feb
1874 Dec.
Robert Cooper
Accrington
1874 Feb
1876 June.
H Jackson
Halifax
1874 Dec
1874 Dec
1876 June.
J. Pickersgill
Batley Carr
1877 INIarch.
W. Bamett
Macclesfield
1874 Dec
1882 Sept.
1898 June.
John Stansfield
Heckmondwike ....
1874 Dec
Thomas Bland
Huddersfield
1874 Dec
1907 March.
S. Lever
F. R. Stephenson
Thomas Hind
Bacup -
Halifax
1876 Sept
1886 March ....
1876 Sept
1877 June
1877 Dec
1885 Sept.
1888 May.
1877 March.
Leicester
1912 October.
R. Whittle
Crewe
1886 March.
+Thos. Swann
Masborough
1882 Sept
1899 Feb.
E. Hibbert
Failsworth
1882 Sept
1883 Nov
1895 June.
John Lord
Accrington
Hyde
1907 Sept.
1886 March
Joseph Mc.Nab
Alfred North
1883 Dec
Batley
1883 Dec
1905 August.
1890 January.
1895 July.
James Hilton
Oldham
1884 Sept
1885 March ....
James Lownds
Ashton-under-Lyne. .
Samuel Taylor
William P. Hemm
Bolton
1885 Sept
1888 Sept
1891 Dec
Nottingham
1889 August.
Amos Scotton
Derby
1890 June ....
1904 October.
James Fairclough
Barnsley
1895 Sept
1911 June.
* Held Office as Pr
: Held Office as Se
esident. + Held C
cretary. § Held <
)ffice as Secretary an(
Dffice as Treasurer.
i Treasurer.
213
PAST MEMBERS OF NEWCASTLE BRANCH COMMITTEE.
Name.
Nominating Society.
Elected.
Retired.
Ephraim Gilchirist
George Dover
Wallsend
1873 Oct
1874 Jan
Chester-le-Street ...
1874 Dec
1877 Sept.
Humphrey Atkinson . .
Blaydon-on-Tyne . .
1874 Dec
1879 May.
f Joseph Patterson
West Cramlington . .
1874 Dec
1877 Sept.
John Steel
Newcastle-on-Tyne . .
Durham
1874 Dec
1876 Sept.
1891 Sept.
1875 March.
William Green
1874 Dec
Thomas Pinkney
Newbottle
1874 Dec
Richard Thomson
Sunderland
1874 Dec
1893 Sept.
t John Thirlaway
Gateshead
1876 Dec
1892 May.
William Robinson
Shotley Bridge ....
1877 Sept
1884 June.
William J. Howat
Newcastle-on-Tyne . .
1877 Dec
1883 Dec.
George Scott
Newbottle
1879 May
1893 Dec.
J. Atkinson
Wallsend
1883 Dec
1890 May.
1887 Dec.
George Fryer
Cramlington
1883 Dec
Matthew Bates
Blaydon
1884 June
1QQQ Jnnp
Robt. Gibson
Newcastle-on-Tyne . .
1890 Sept
1910 Sept.
George Binney
Robert Irving
Thomas Rule
Durham
1891 Dec
1905 May.
1904 August.
1903 June.
Carlisle
1892 June
Gateshead
1893 June
William Stoker
Seaton Delaval
1893 Sept
1902 July.
Joseph Warwick ....
North Shields
1903 June
1912 Dec.
F. A. Ciappessoni
Cleator Moor
1904 Dec
1912 Feb.
PAST MEMBERS OF LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEE.
* Newcastle and London Branch Committees constituted December, 1874.
t Held Office as Secretary.
214
THE CO-OPERATIVE
WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED.
^[EMBERS OF GENERAL, AND NEWCASTLE AND
LONDON BRANCH COMMITTEES WHO HAVE
DIED DURING TIME OP OFFICE.
Name.
Edward Hooson . .
Robert Allen
Richard Whittle . .
Samuel Lever
William P. Hemm
James Hilton
Samuel Taylor
J. T. W.Mitchell..
E. Hibbert
James Lownds
Thos. Swann
Amos Scotton
Alfred North
James Fairclough
Thomas Hind
Nominating Society.
GENERAL.
Manchester
Oldham
Crewe
Bacup
Nottingham
Oldham
Bolton
Rochdale
Failsworth
Ashton-iinder-Lyiie
Masboro'
Derby
Batley
Barnsley
Leicester
Date of Death.
December 11th, 1869.
April 2nd, 1877.
March 6th, 1886.
May 18th, 1888.
August 21st, 1889.
January 18th, 1890.
December 15th, 1891.
March 16th, 1895.
June 25th, 1895.
July 27th, 1895.
February 15th, 1899.
October 2nd, 1904.
August 14th, 1905.
June 11th, 1911.
October 26th, 1912.
J. Atkinson Wallsend .
William Green ! Durham
NEWCASTLE.
John Thirlaway
William Stoker
Robert Irving
George Binney
F. A. Ciappessoni j Cleator Moor .
Joseph Warwick | North Shields
LONDON.
Gateshead
Seaton Delaval
Carlisle
Durham
J. J. B. Beach
T.E.Webb
J. Clay
R. H. Tutt
G. Sutherland
W. H. Brown I Newport .
J. F. Goodey ' Colchester
May 25th, 1890.
September 9th, 1891.
May 1st, 1892.
July 4th, 1902.
August 22nd, 1904.
May 5th, 1905.
February 20th, 1912.
December 6th, 1912.
Colchester i December 21st, 1888.
Battersea
Gloucester
Hastings . .
Woolvirich
December 2nd, 1896.
October 25th, 1901. .
February 26th, 1904.
October 17th, 1904.
April 20th, 1907.
October 5th, 1910.
215
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED.
PAST AUDITORS.
Name.
Nominating Society.
Elected.
Retired.
D. Baxter
Manchester
1864 March
1868 May.
1865 May.
1867 May.
J Hankinson
Preston
1864 May
1865 May
E. Longfield
Manchester
James White
Manchester
1867 May ......
1881 Sept.
W. Nuttall
Oldham |
1868 May
1873 Nov
1868 Nov.
1874 May.
A. Howard
Rochdale
1863 Nov
1870 May.
R Taylor
Oldham |
1870 May
1873 Nov
1873 May.
1875 Feb.
J, C. Fox
Manchester •
1872 May
1876 Dec
1876 Sept.
1877 Sept.
H. C. Pingstone
IManchestcr
1872 May
1872 Nov.
W. Barnett
Macclesfield
Eccles
1872 Nov
1873 May
1873 Nov.
W. Grimshaw
1874 May.
J. Leach.
Rochdale
1874 May
1874 May
1878 June.
J. Odgers
Manchester
1874 Sept.
J. M. Percival
Manchester
1875 March ....
1876 March.
W. Applebv
Manchester
1876 March
1888 Sept.
1885 Sept.
1878 Sept.
1879 June.
Oldham
1876 Oct
James Kershaw
Rochdale
1878 June
W. Nuttall
Eccles
1879 March ....
T. Whitworth
Rochdale
1881 Dec
1885 Dec
1885 June.
J. E. Lord
Rochdale
1910 April.
Isaac Haigh
Barnsley
1888 August....
1910 Sept
1903 Feb.
P. G. Redfearn
Birstall
191-2 Sept.
PAST SCRUTINEER.
Name.
Nominating Society.
Elected.
Retired.
F Harden
Oldham
1890 Sept •
1913 Sept.
216
Statistics
SHOWING THE
PROGRESS OF
The Co^oPERATivE Wholesale
Society Limited.
217
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221
BESEBVE FUND
m. TBADE DEPARTMENT FROM
Deductions from Reserve Fund — £
Subscriptions and Donations to Charitable and other Objects 110,970
Investments Written off : Bank Department 18,259
„ ,, Trade Department 10,660
Insurance Fund 6,000
Land and Buildings Account — Depreciation, Special 1,148
Fixtures „ „ „ 852
Celebration Dinner : Opening Warehouse, Balloon Street 56
Newcastle Formation Expenses 16
21st Anniversary Commemoration Expenses, Manchester 2,017
Jubilee Celebration Expenses 34,699
Expenses incurred in West Africa 3,256
Sprinklers Account — Amount vs^ritten off to date 74,812
262,744
Reserve Fund, December 27th, 1913 : —
Investments —
Manchester Ship Canal Company, 2,000 Ordinary
Shares of £10 each £20,000
Gilsland Convalescent Home, 7,500 Shares of £1 each 7,500
British Cotton Growing Association, 5,000 Shares
of £1 each 5,000
North-Western Co-operative Convalescent Homes
Association 8,000
40,500
Balance —
As per Balance Sheet, December 27th, 1913 668,110
As per proposed Disposal of Profit Account 37,023
705,133
£1,008,377
222
ACCOUNT.
COMMENCEMENT OF SOCIETY. Cr.
Additions to Reserve Fund— £
From Disposal of Profit Account, as per page 221 — Net 972,044
Balance — Sale of Properties : —
Strawberry Estate, Newcastle £1,953
Land, Liverpool , , 713
Rosedale 11
South Shields 96
Newhall 418
Durham 376
Gorton 10,923
Calais 319
Steamships 10,621
Tipperary ;............ ;..-...;..... .... ;. . . 450 '
Land, Shillingstone 100
25,980
Balance — Sale of Shares — ^New Telephone Company 44
Sharelnvestment — Lancashire and Yorkshire Productive Society . 60
Sale of part Shares — Co-operative Printing Society 63
Share Investment — Leicester Hosiery Society 76
„ „ Star and Rochdale Corn Mills 14
„ „ Keighley Ironworks . : 55
Dividend on Debts, previously written off 808
Balances, Shares, Loans, &c.. Accounts 232
Bonus to Employes : DijBterences between Amounts Provided and actually Paid 311
Dividend on Sales to Employes 403
Interest on Manchester Ship Canal Shares 1,515
Transfer from Reserve Balances 6,772
£1,008,377
223
CO-OPEBATIVE ^yA^^HOLESALE
Registered Office: 1, BALLOON
Industrial and Provident Societies
ABSTRACT OF ANNUAL RETURN FOR
(Under the
BALANCE SHEET OP FUNDS AND
Trade Department— £ s. d. £ s. d.
Due to Shareholders— Transferable Shares 2,039,054 9 3
Loans and Interest 4,242,662 10 1
Amount Owing by Society for Goods Used in Trade 839,932 2 6
„ „ for Trade Expenses J79,052 19 10
Less Selves Account (see contra) 40,782 12 5
38,270 7 5
Mortgage and Interest 7,358 12 10
Received in Advance for Goods 31,687 3 9
Owing— Insurance Claims 2,371 7 11
„ Insurance Premiums 53 15 1
„ Reserve Fund Account 14,160 15 0
Scottish Wholesale Society's Proportion due of Batley, &c.,
Results 367 4 11
Reserve for Unexpired Risks— Societies' Fire Insurances 947 10 0
Bank Department-
Current Accounts 5,078,288 17 8
Less Bank Balance— Trade Department 2,446,520 3 8
5.177,811
2,631,768 14 0
Deposit Accounts 840,127 8 2
Employes' Thrift Fund 197,953 13 10
Commission Owing 32 3 6
3,669,881 19
Reserves— Trade and Bank Departments —
Reserve Fund-Trade Department (a)£668,109 13 5
Bank „ £130,816 10 5
„ „ Investment Reserve 12,890 2 10
143,706 ]3
811,816 6 8
Insurance Fund . . 877,479 1 6
Reserve Balances — Purchasing Depots 18,277 17
Profits appropriated but not paid during the Financial Year-
Trade Department JE339,216 17 0
Bank Department 27,737 0 3
(a) Exclusive of the following share investments made from this fund-
Manchester Ship Canal Company (2,000 Ordinary
Shares) £20,000
Gilsland Convalescent Home 7,500
North-Western Co-operative Convalescent Homes
Association 8,000
British Cotton Growing Association 5,000
1,707,573 5 11
366,953 17
(a) £40,500
Total £12,961,275 1 5
Signature of Treasurer (No Treasurer).
The undersigned, having had access to all the Books, Deeds, Documents, and Accounts of the
Books, Deeds, Documents, Accounts, and Vouchers relating thereto, now sign the same as found to
March 24th, 1914.
224
SOCIETY LIMITED.
STREET, MANCHESTER.
Act, 1893, 56 and 57 Vict., c. 39.
YEAB ENDED 27th DECEMBEK, 1913
above Act).
EFFECTS. AS AT 27th DECEMBER, 1913.
Trade Department— £ ' s. d.
Value of Stock in Trade 3,142,334 1 11
„ Buildings, Fixtures, and Land— (used in trade) 1,469,938 16 0
•* Four Steamships (used in trade) (TTnffcn q/f)
Investments and other Assets— £ s. d.
In Buildings, Fixtures, and Land 592,093 15 10
In Shares of Industrial and Provident Societies (b) 2,733 4 2
In Shares of Companies (6) 2,956 3 3
C.W.S. Proportion of Partnership Capital, includinglnterest
and Profits -English and Scottish Wholesale Societies. 300,895 2 7
C.W.S. Proportion of Partnership Capital — Co-operative
Insurance Society Limited — Consideration Money in
respect of Shares Acquired £107,558 13 7
Lets Premium Paid to C.I.S. Share-
holders— Written off from In-
surance Fund 98,9.54 13 7
8,604 0 0
Interest Due 430 4 0
9 034 4 0
Bents Due l'836 19 0
Expenses Stock, and Payments in Advance 24,312 6 0
Amount Owing by Members and others at end of Year— Goods
and Freights £-1,088,058 4 6
Less Selves Account (see contra) 40.782 12 5
1,047,275 12 1
Payments in Advance for Goods 50,906 0 4
2,032,043 7
Bank Department— Investments and other Assets.
On Mortgage Security 1,073,229 5 5
On Shares and Loans 80,673 16 7
Promissory Notes 121 7 0
Loan Stock Certificates 252 17 3
Land and Buildings 3,507 0 3
Consols 166,360 12 6
British Corporation Mortgages, Stocks, &c 3,102,472 2 3
British Railway Debentures and Preference Stock'^ 90,592 15 11
Foreign and Colonial Bonds 247,449 0 9
Stamped Cheques 189 18 4
Bank Balances 1,492,203 10 0
6,257,052 6
Cash in hand and at Branches :—
Trade Dept. Bank Dept.
Cash in hand £11,285 0 0 £30,793 10 5
„ at Branches 17,827 19 7
£29,112 19 7 £30,793 10 5
59,906 10 0
(b) Exclusive of investments made from Reserve Fund (see a).
Total £12,961,275 1 5
Secretary— THOS. BRODRICK, Eccles, near Manchester.
Society, and having examined the foregoing General Statement, and verified the same with the
be correct, duly vouched, and in accordance with law.
THOS JAS. BAYLIS, High Street, Rotherham, \
T. WOOD, 40 to 46, Deansgate Arcade, Manchester, Accountants
C. J. BECKETT. 24, All Saints' Road, St Annes-on-Sea, }■ and
BENJ. TETLOW, 94, Westgate Road, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Public Auditors.
J. SMITH, " Wynbury," Orchard Road, Middlesbrough, j
225
MANCHESTEB GROCEBY AND PROVISION
TRADE.
Smee keeping a separate Account.
.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Stocks
at end.
Amount.
Rate
per je.
Amount.
Rate
per..
£
£
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
If Years, January, 1876
2,586,691
26,417
0 21
31,028
0 2J
56,487
5 „ December, 1880 ....
8,740,658
87,603
0 2g
140,043
0 31
70,091
5 „ „ 1885 ... .
11,728,202
127,892
0 2i
157,209
0 3|
92,790
8 „ „ 1890....
15,511,593
180,023
0 21
264,131
0 4
123,432
8 „ „ 1895 . . .
21,956,461
279,262
0 3
339,816
0 3i
159,930
8 .„ „ 1900....
28,186,928
374,568
0 8J
500,911
0 4J
158,537
3 „ „ 1905....
41,629,024
489,689
0 ^
774,698
0 4i
237,874
8 „ „ 1910 ....
£6,681,416
669,406
0 2f
1,134,978
0 4i
292,133
Year, „ 1911 ....
12,672,297
157,362
0 2i
249,347
0 4i
335,733
„ (53 wks) „ 1912 ....
13,405,352
163,759
0 2i
244,057
0 4J
' 319,102
1913....
13,901,860
164,399
0 2|
265,597
0 ii
369,537
Half Year, June, 1914 ..
7,042,888
83,126
0 2|
148,435
0 5
1 245,910
40i Years' Total
234,038,370
2,803,506
0 2|
4,250,250
0 4i
1
226
MANCHESTER DRAPERY TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
' EXPENSKS.
Net Profit.
Stocks
Pbriod. Ended.
Sales.
at end.
Amount.
Bate
per£.
Amount.
Rate
per£.
£ ,
£
s. d.
£
1
8. d.
£
2i Years, January, 1876
211,351 ■ 11,484
1 1
2466
0 n
72,408
8 „ December, 1880 . . .
672,992
43,116
1 8g
♦941
0 Oi
44,105
5 „ „ 1885 ... .
771,933
42,913
1 li
20,2T7
0 et
44,948
8 „ „ 1890....
1,205,935 60,656
1 0
25,278
0 6i
84,739
5 „ „ 1895 ....
1,920,447
100,386
1 0}
48,223
0 6
108,337
8 „ „ 1900....
2,568,623 141,497
1 li
88,183
0 8i
153,641
5 „ „ 1905 ....
3,315,793 1 196,568
1 ai
94,449
0 ^
107337
5 „ „ 1910 ....
4,488,109 1
283,807
1 8i
142,812
0 71
126,202
!
Year, „ 1911 ....
1,075,460
68,414
1 3i
33,693
0 7i
1
125,698
„ (53wks) „ 1912 ....
1,150,367
71,136
1 n
41,017
0 8§
140,549
1913....
1,259,157
73,429
1 li
50,383
0 9^
172,631
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
636,562
37,750
1 2S
21,771
0 8i
184,922
40| Years' Total
19,276,729 1,131,156
1 2
567,260
4,757
••
Less Depr
aciation, Octc
licaves Net P
)ber, 1877...
rofit
]
562,608
0 7
* Loss.
Note.— To December, 1883, the figures include Woollens and Ready-Mades Department.
„ To J une, 1905, inclusive, the figiues include Desboro' Corset Factory, | now separately
To December, 1906, „ „ „ Broughton Shirt „ )" stated in Prod. Ac/3.
227
MANCHESTEB "WOOLLENS AND BEADY-
MALES TBADE.
Since publishing a separate Account in Balance Sheet.
Sales.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Stocks at end.
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Rate
Ver£.
Amount.
Bate
periE.
(a)
(b)
2 Years, December, 1885 . .
5 „ „ 1890 ..
5 „ „ 1895 ..
5 „ „ 1900 ..
5 „ „ 1905 . .
5 „ „ 1910 ..
Year, „ 1911 ..
„ (.53wks) „ 1912 ..
1913 . .
Half Year, June, 1914 . .
£
41,578
120,546
255,315
622,486
874,585
1,190,500
282,688
295,112
325,775
201,372
£
2,470
8,331
15,905
35,706
51,849
73,678
18,693
19,822
20,983
11,673
s. d.
1 2i
if
if
1 3|
1 n
£
745
*1,196
*3,232
13,805
16,346
25,475
4,569
5,508
14,261
8,309
s. d.
0 4i
0 21
0 8
0 6i
0 4
0 5
li
0 n
£
5,242
11,468
15,608
35,978
51,262
63,211
71,082
72,219
82,091
79,367
£
16,779
81,741
88,428
84,720
47,819
48,116
30^ Years' Total....
4,209,957
259,110
1 2|
84,590
on
..
* Loss. (a) Woollens and Ready-mades and Outfitting. (ft) Linings and Dyed Goods.
Note. — To June, 1895, inclusive, the Results and Stocks include Broughton Clothing Factory.
MANCHESTEB BOOT AND SHOE TBADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Sales.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
i Amount. ^^fj^
Amount. ^^l
^J Years, January, 1876 ....
5 „ December, 1880
5 „ „ 1885 ....
S „ „ 1890 ....
5 „ „ 1895 ....
S „ „ 1900 ....
5 „ „ 1905 ....
5 „ „ 1910 ....
Year, „ 1911 .. .
„ (53 wks) „ 1912 ...
1913 ....
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
£
96,648
292,347
439,988
738,251
1,175,301
1,493,428
1,859,595
2,299,318
469,916
528,862
538,661
319,602
t
£
2,659
10,500
i 14,703
24,180
48,031
59,448
70,983
91,335
21,392
22,600
23,068
12,130
8. d.
0 6J
0 8J
0 8
0 9|
0 9^
0 lOi
0 lOi
0 10|
0 9
£
1,524
3,646
6,330
1 17,519
! 18,957
i 30,468
31,162
37,121
5,173
8,776
9,546
7,063
s. d.
0 31
0 2§
0 3|
0 4
0 31
0 21
si
0 5J
£
7,711
11,484
16,074
32,095
56,302
62,178
63,144
80,190
85,715
88,509
99,361
103,845
m Years' Total
10,251,917
401,029
0 9|
1
177,285 0 4^
••
228
MANCHESTEB FUBNISHING TBADB.
(Since keeping a separate Account.
Sales.
Expenses.
Net Pkofit.
Stocks
at end.
(a)
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Rate
per£.
Amount.
Rate
peri.
4i Years, December, 1880
S „ „ 1885
5 „ „ 1890
5 „ -. 1895
5 „ .. 1900
5 „ „ 1905
3 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„(53 wks) „ 1912
.. 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
81,886
184,218
439,580
781,803
1.317,554
1,639,436
2,030.974
471,296
499,051
566,713
305,086
1
i '
1 4,999
1 9,354
j 21,250
41,130
1
65,372
i 80,885
105,126
28,215
30,795
31,026
16,057
8. d.
1 2§
1 01
Olli
1 Of
0 Hi
0 11|
1 Of
1 2i
1 2i
1 n
1 og
£
617
2,379
6,408
6,587
23,638
22,300
23,367
2,029
2,019
8,774
4,244
B. d.
0 IJ
0 3
0 s§
0 2
0 4i
0 3i
0 2|
0 1
0 Oi
0 Sg
0 Si
£
4,307
5,817
12,930
19,574
27,817
28,388
81,664
32,739
34,937
41,246
45,244
38 Years' Total
8,317,097
434,209
1 Oi
102,362
0 2i
■>'
Note.— From March, 1893, to June, 1895, inclusive, the Results and Stocks include
Broughton Cabinet Works.
(«) Excludes Longton Stock. Memo. - In Balance Sheet Longton Stocks included with
Manchester Furnishing Stocks.
229
NE^WCASTLE BBANCH GBOCERY AND
PBOVISION TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Note. — To December, 1903, the figures include Pelaw Printing, now separately
stated in Productive Accounts.
NE^WCASTLE BBANCH DBAPEBY TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account
Expenses.
Net Pkofit.
Stocks at
end.
Pkriod. Ended.
Sales.
Amount.
Bate
per £.
Amount.
Bate
per je.
£
£
s. d.
£
8. d.
£
5 Years, December, 1880 ....
234,269
10,745
0 11
5,484
0 5i
16,171
a „ „ 1885 ....
51.3,938
17,599
0 8i
21,903
OlOi
24,064
8 „ „ 1890....
876,923
30,548
0 8i
87,968
OlOi
33,216
8 „ „ 1895....
1,351,804
44,684
0 7S
57,256
0 lOJ
48,361
8 „ „ 1900 ....
1,864,292
71,047
0 9J
84,856
0 lOS
63,704
8 „ „ 1905 ....
2,259,678
122,128
1 OS
64,195
0 ^
i 59,939
8 „ „ 1910....
2,698,979
156,830
1 li
68,669
0 6
! 58,798
Year, „ 1911 ....
589,604
1 94,264
1 li
15,030
0 6
i
1 57,536
„ (53 wks) „ 1912 ....
592,005
35,523
1 2i
16,098
0 6i
1 57,042
1913....
684,483
38,890
1 li
19,963
0 6i
i 55,179
1
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
35?.471
20,402
1 li
9,005
0 61
62,'?33
m Years' Total
12,018,446
■ 582,660
0 Hi
400,427
0 7i
Note.— To June, 1898, the figures include Woollens and Ready-Mades Department.
„ To December, 1903, the figures include Pelaw Shirt Factory, now shown in Productive
Accounts with Pelaw Tailoring and Kersey Factories.
NEWCASTLE BRANCH ^^A^GOLLENS
READY-MADES TRADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
AND
Sales.
Expenses.
Net Profit. 1
Stocks at
end.
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Rate 1
per £. '
Amount.
Rate
per £.
£ !
£
s. d. -
£
s. d.
£
2§ Years, December, 1900 ... .
339,631
10,361
0 7i
16,984
1 0
35,627
5 „ „ 1905 ....
719,657
32,340
0 10|
24,408
0 8i
32,054
5 „ „ 1910 ....
829,638
39.934
0 Hi ,
35,272
0 10|
36,310
Year, „ 1911 ....
181,689
8,974
0 llf
6,763
0 Si
39,327
„ (53 wks) „ 1912 ....
187,422
9,080
0 Hi
8,669
0 11
39,843
1913....
207,330
9,976
0 lU
8,7 ;9
OlOi
. 44,942
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
120,610
5,461
1
0 lOf
4,861
0 9g
41,386
16 Years' Total
2,585,977
116,126
0 101
105,736
0 9i
■•
Note, — To December, 1903, the figures include Pelaw Tailoring and Kersey Factories, now
shown in Productive Accounts with Pelaw Shirt Factory.'.
231
NEWCASTLE BBANCH BOOT AND SHOE
TBADE.
Since keeping a separate Account.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Stocks at
end.
Period.
Ended.
Sales.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
Amount.
Rate
per ;£.
£
£
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
5 Years, December, 1880
144,855
4,500
0 71
2,412
0 4
1 5,971
" »>
1885 ....
327,150
9,980
0 7i
8,276
0 6
11,319
" »»
1890....
493,126
18,876
0 9J
7,874
0 3|
11,870
3 »>
1895 ....
648,837
22,443
0 8i
14,020
0 5S
20,680
s »»
1900 ....
893,524
31,452
0 8i
21,199
0 5i
26,770
3 ,»
1905 ....
1,179,581
47,466
0 91
18,082
0 3g
29,423
° >»
1910 ....
1,291,610
51,780
0 9J
23,550
0 4i
33,298
Year,
1911 ....
253,922
10,787
0 10^
4,245
0 4
33,346
„ (53 wks)
1912 ....
263,912
- 10,844
0 9|
3,073
0 2|
45,992
5»
1913 ....
262,589 {
10,888
0 9g
4,811
0 4i
43,587
Half Year, J
line, 1914 ....
8' Total
150,.')45
5,563
0 8|
2,860
0 4J
41,649
38^ Year
5,909,651
224,579
0 9
1
110,402
1
0 41
Note. — To December, 1888, the figures include Furnishing Department.
NEWCASTLE BBANCH PUBNISHINQ
TBADE.
SiTice keeping a separate Account.
Sales.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
Amount.
Rate
per £.
£
£
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
2 Years, December, 1890
5 „ „ 1895 ....
8 „ „ 1900 ... .
3 „ „ 1905....
5 „ „ 1910....
138,487
485,907
963,098
1,285,488
1,411,869
6,287
26,707
47,272
76,223
100,024
OlOi
1 IJ
Olli
1 24
1 5
2,387
6,233
24,066
11,638
30,075
0 4J
0 3
0 5i
0 2J
0 5
\ 10,474
16,120
29,79.6
28,555
32.852
Year, „ 1911 ....
„ (53 wks) „ 1912 ....
1913 ....
293,895
288,076
354,383
21,433
21,628
23,361
1^
1 6
1 3fj
5,833
4,879
7,558
0 4i
0 4
0 5
82,119
84,471
85,104
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
199,159
12,048
1 2i
6,134
0 71
40,379
23i Years' Total
5,420,862
334,988
1 2ji
9&,80S
0 4i
••
Note. — To December, 1903, the flguies include Pelaw Cabinet Factory, now separately
stated in Productive Accounts.
232
LONDON BRANCH GROCERY AND
PROVISION TRADE
(INCLUDING BRISTOL, CARDIFF, AND NORTHAMPTON DEPOTS).
Since keeping a separate Account.
EXPBKSES.
Nbt Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Sales.
Amount.
Rate
per je. ,
A^oant. I5J1.
£
£
B. d.
£
s. d.
' £
1| Tears, January, 1876
203,137
3,907
0 4i
2,151
0 2i
7,219
S „ December, 1880
1,119,283
17,326
0 8§
17,688
0 3i
20,789
5 „ „ 1885....
1,746,107
29,470
0 4
24,718
0 Si
24,256
5 „ „ 1890....
3,661,913
66,023
0 4i
51,270
0 3J
57,347
8 „ „ 1895....
6,125,158
125,071
0 4S
74,567
0 2i
45,828
5 „ „ 1900 ... .
8,924,536
188,854
0 5
137,122
0 3i
109,468
5 „ „ 1905 ....
15,225,894
247.770
0 Si
221,376
0 31
129,171
5 „ „ 1910....
20,980,393
1 324,279
0 31
354,070
0 4
183,194
Year, „ 1911 ....
4,890,468
76,215
0 3|
94,010
0 4i
191,004
„ (53 wks) „ 1912 ....
5,513340
79,758
0 3i
99,527
0 41
213,268
1913....
5,750,722
79,796
0 3i
103,402
0 41
i
210,022
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
2,974,784
40,941
0 3i
56,160
!
0 a'
204,050
40J Years' Total
77,115,685
1,279,410
0 Si
1,236,061
0 3i
233
LONDON BRANCH DBAPERY TRADE
(INCLUDING BEISTOL DEPOT).
Since keeping a separate Accoimt.
Expenses.
Net Pkofit,
Stocks
'
! Amount.
Bate
per jE.
Amount.
Bate
per £.
at end.
Half Year, December, 1880
8 Years, „ 1885
8 „ ., 1890
8 „ „ 1895
5 „ „ 1900
8 „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, 1911 .
£
8,157
209,909
368,681
439,003
693,385
989,710
1,349,170
372,985
405,121
455,943 1
245,077
£
812
11,677
28,327
33,431
55,546
80,375
120,082
31,694
33,012
34,604
18,717
s. d.
0 94
1 li
1 6i
1 6i
1 74
1 7i
1 9i
1 81
1 74
1 64
1 6i
£
36
1,963
*5,789
515
9,992
10,986
13.755
6,392
9,752
14,603
6,897
s. d.
0 1
0 24
0 31
0 Oi
0 33
0 2i
0 2g
0 4
0 5i
0 71
0 6|
£
3,805
11,502
12,607
21,859
45,685
44,749
64,686
62,378
69,685
75,624
84,277.
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
34 Years' Total
5,537,141 !
447,777
1 7g
69,102
0 2i
* Loss.
Note. — The above figures include the following: Boots and Shoes to September, 1887;
Furnishing to March, 1889 ; Woollens and Beady-mades to March, 1898.
LONDON BRANCH Yi^OOLLENS
AND READY-MADE S TRADE
(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT).
Since keeping a separate Account.
Sales.
Expenses.
j Net Profit.
Stocks
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Bate
per ;£.
Amount.
Bate,
per £.
at end.
2| Years, December, 1900 ....
8 „ „ 1905 ....
8 „ „ 1910 ....
Year, „ 1911 ....
„ (58 weeks) „ 1912
1913 ....
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
96,037
300,139
408,825
100,165
110,538
126,848 '
74,067 . i
I
£
9,128
28,287
44,532
10,600
11,104
12,004
6,551
s. d.
1 10|
1 104
2 2J
2 li
2 0
iioi
1 94
£
2,054
4,901
*237
*472
519
1,877
880
a. d.
0 54
0 3i
0 04
0 14
0 14
0 8i
0 '21
£
14,908
1
21,602
27,110
27,391
29,671
40,040
40,951
16i Years' Total
1,216,619 1
122,206
2 0
9,522
0 14
••
" Loss.
234
LONDON BRANCH BOOT Sc SHOE TRADE
(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT).
Since keeping a separate Account.
DED.
i
Sales.
F.TPENSK8.
1
Net Profit.
Nkt Loss. 1
stocks
Period. En
A-o'nt. ^\
Amo'nt.
Bate
per je. I
Amo'nt.
Rate
per je.
at end.
3J Years, Decemt
" »» "
8 »» 11
Year, „
„ (53 wks) „
>» "
Half Year, June
er,1890..
1895 . .
1900..
1905..
1910..
1911 . .
1912 . .
1913 . .
1914 . .
Total....
£
105,438
242,974
376,424
596,359
818,189
179,818
208,224
229,297
135,708
£ 8. d. 1
5,640 ! 1 Oi
15,350 1 Si
24,274 1 ^
34,976 1 2
58,145 , 1 5
; 13,247 1 I 5§
: 13,853 1 Si
13,558 1 2i
7,146 1 Oi
£
152
2,064
4,919
75
250
s. d.
0 Oi
0 li
0 li
0 og
£
1.013
6,361
8,455
1,278
s. d.
0 1
0 1|
0 4i
0 If
£
' 6,051
11,182
20,287
24,120
45,515
42,629
48,340
52,501
52,515
26| Years'
2,892,431
j 186,189 j 1 31
7,460 j ..
1
12,107
7,460
••
Less]
Leav(
Profit
is Net Loss
1 " ; *■
4,647
1
0 Of
i "■
LONDON BRANCH FURNISHING- TRADE
(INCLUDING BRISTOL DEPOT).
Since keeping a separate Account.
Expenses.
Net Pbofit.
Net Loss.
Stocks
Period. Ended. Sales.
A---'- ^1
AmCnJ «J1 '
^"•"' ^1
at end.
£
IS Years, December, 1890 . . i 53,957
3 „ „ 1895.. 208,925
5 „ „ 1900.. 370,518
a „ „ 1905.. 490,048
5 „ „ 1910.. 617,399
Year, „ 1911 . . 153,827
„ (53 wks) „ 1912.. 165,216
„ „ 1913.. 189,545
Half Year, June, 1914 . . 103,057
£ s. d.
4,487 1 7i
17,814 1 8§
29,067 1 6i
40,071 1 7i
54,554 1 9J
13,118 1 8i
18,911 1 8k
14,565 1 ^
7,611 1 5i
£ 1 8. d.
2,536 0 IJ
4,286 0 If
3,000 0 4g 1
2,359 0 31
3,931 0 4i
2,171 i 0 5
1,
£
952
655
160
s. d.
0 4i
0 li
••
..
£
3,957
8,604
12,854
14,136
14,251
14,297
14,945
16,213
18,718
25i Years' Total.... 2,352,492 195,198 1 7i
18,283
i
2,767 ..
2,767 1 . .
Less 1
Leave
s Net Profit ....
15,516 0 li
235
CRUMPSALL BISCUITS, CAKES,
Since keeping
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Period. Ended,
Wages
and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
2J Years, January, 1876
S „ December, 1880
S „ „ 1885
8 „ „ 1890
5 „ „ 1895
5 „ „ 1900
8 » .. 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
29,840
87,213
106,679
177,924
421,775
464,581
799,152
936,711
207,694
213,597
200,464
106,247
£
29,394
87,003
106,959
181,173
426,035
443,116
791,129
922,477
204,879
208,518
196,809
105,062
£
5,309
14,589
18,014
35,716
73,418
101,908
188,172
209,931
50.645
50,886
54,215
29,889
£
707
2,427
3,194
6,308
10,340
13,412
21,110
23,515
3,966
3,999
4,120
2,060
£
953
2,298
2,122
4,022
8,048
6,020
12,793
13,305
1,940
2,038
1,725
839
£
6,969
19,314
46,046
91,806
121,340
222,075
246,751
56,551
56,923
60,060
32,788
lOf Years' Total
3,751,877
3,702,554
832,692
95,158
56,103
983,953
Note.— Dry Soap and Preserves transferred to Irlam
Dried Sweets transferred to Silvertown,
Drugs and Sundries transferred to Pelaw
236
S^\rEETS, AND JELLIES ^WORKS.
a separate Account.
Pkbiod. Ended.
2i Years,
January, 1876
s „
December, 1880
s
1885
s
1890
s „
1895
s
1900
5
1905
5
1910
Year,
1911
„ (53wks)
1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
40f Years' Total
EZFENSSS.
Bate om Pbodugtiom.
Per cent. Per £.
£ s. d.
23 14 2i
22 3 111
21 16 2^
25 8 31
21 10 111
27 7 8
28 1 4|
26 14 111
27 12 Oi
27 5 111
30 10 4
31 4 li
11 5i
s. d.
4 8i
4 Si
4 4i
5 Oi
4 Si
5 6g
5 4}
5 6i
5 5i
6 li
6 2S
Net Profit.
Amoont.
£
955
4,649
7,987
1,027
1 Oi
1 5J
0 Ig
24,157 1 Oi
I
57,382 ' 1 5i
I
80,280 1
21,042
260,57«
Bate
per £
on Sap-
plies.
B. d.
0 7§
2 0|
13,237 ; 1 2|
15,802 I 1 6§
10,558 ■ 1 113
Stocks
at end.
4i|
£
1,538
1,798
3,534
12,712
28,905
14,018
14,631
9,907
15,516
10,192
11,313
11,177
and Middleton respectively, September, 1896.
December, 1906.
and Silvertown respectively, December, 1912.
287
MIDDLETON PBESEBVE, PEEL,
From
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest. Total.
I
4J Years, December, 1900
S „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
608,218
1,214,080
1,547,884
404,163
420,339
449,294
223,640
639,903
1,229,847
1,572,759
400,893
477,243
424,899
188,314
£
82,018
134,015
205,858
53.887
57,208
61,483
33,969
£
12,740
17,728
29,761
9,897
9,514
9,514
4,757
£
11,254
20,507
31,125
8,174
8,886
8.644
3,963
£
106,012
172,250
266,739
71,458
75,608
79.641
42,689
18 Years' Total
4,867,618
4,933,358
628,433
93,411
92,563 ' 814,397
IBLAM SOAP, CANDLE, LARD,
From
Period.
Ended.
20 Weeks, December, 1895.
S Years,
s „
3 „
Year,
„ (53 wks)
1900.
1905.
Net
Supplies.
1,875,031
1910 j 3,604,506
1911.
1912.
1913.
Half Year, June, 1914
18 Years and 11 Mo. Total
•620,965
658,186
770,689
412,105
8,876,739
Produc-
tion.
904.415
1,852,601
610,157
647,350
752,602
405,545
8,596,560
Expenses.
''a^" Pt?->-| interest.
Sundry.
tion.
Total.
£
3,597
104,511
201,734
812,980
71,658
84,072
91,859
53,556
£
807
19,765
29,576
44,878
6,380
6,975
3,681
£
15,343
24,813
30,961
5,451
5,635
£
5,060
139,619
256,123
388.819
82,900
96,903
104,869
3,111 60.348
923,967 118,342 90,832 1,133,141
NOTE.— Durham Soap Works business commenced January, 1873 ; sold March, 1896,
when trade was transferred to Irlam.
238
AND PICKLE ^W^OBKS TBADE.
commencement.
Expenses.
1 .
PipRTftn Ekdkd.
Ratr on Pbo-
DUCTION. 1
Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
Per cent.
PerJB.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Sapplies.
(i Years, December, 1900
5 ,, „ 1905
£ 8. d.
16 11 4
14 0 Ig
B. d.
8 8i
2 9n
£
24,828
35,398
76,277
15,871
1 11,994
13.290
9,962
8. d.
0 9^
0 6i
66,044
99.938
8 .. .. 1910
16 19 2| 3 43
0 111 j 187,351
Year, „ 1911
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
„ „ 1918
Half Year, June, 1914
17 16 5i
15 16 10|
18 15 3|
22 13 4|
3 6!
3 2
3 9
4 6i
0 91 180,098
0 6| j 181,949
0 7 165,158
0 lOf 134,773
18 Years' Total
' 16 10 li
3 3i
186,615
0 9i :
AND STABCH TATORKS TRADE.
commencement.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Period. Ended.
Rate on Pboduotion.
Stocks
at
Per cent.
Per^e.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
end.
(a)
20 Weeks. December. 1895
£ s. d.
15 12 5|
15 8 8g
13 16 6
11 9 31
13 11 8|
14 16 3i
13 17 41
14 17 n
B. d.
3 11
8 1
2 9i
2 3i
2 8i
2 llj
2 9^
2 llg
£
869
40,819
83,518
136,168
16,287
13,905
17,184
10,116
s. d.
0 3^
0 lOi
0 log
0 9
0 6J
0 5
0 5i
0 5i
£
30,825
5 Years 1900
74,059
5 .. 1905
125,435
5 „ „ 1910.'
83,485
Year . 1911
91,884
„ (53wks) „ 1912
1913
106,580
132,514
Half Year, June, 1914
107,777
18 Years and 11 Months' Total. .
18 3 U
2 7i
317,816
0 8i
••
(a) Includes Sydney Works.
239
SILVEBTO^WN SOAP
From
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
'.SI"
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
2 Years & 29 Wks., Dec, 1910 . .
Year, „ 1911 . .
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 . .
,. 1913 . .
Half Year, June, 1914 . .
£
370,607
192,009
195,916
234,713
113,392
£
381,553
199,467
191,147
229,485
108,256
\ 36,522
16,924
20,647
24,778
13,577
£
8,766
3.688
3,463
3,558
1,777
£
7,278
2,770
2,585
2,242
1,219
£
52,566
23,282
26,695
30,578
16,573
6 Years and 3 Weeks' Total
1,106,637
1,109,908
112,448
21,152
16,094
149,694
DUNSTON SOAP
From
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Pro-
duction.
Expenses.
! Wages
1 and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
1 Year & 45 Wks., Dec, 1910 . .
Year, „ 1911 . .
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 . .
„ 1913..
Half Year, June, 1914 . .
£
205,444
156,245
155,498
193,022
86.050
£
212,981
158,706
154,130
188,720
87,328
! ^
18,784
13,566
14,402
22,236
10,646
£
4,631
2,567
2,342
2,614
1,375
£
3,771
1,802
1,806
1,890
1,079
£
27,186
17,925
18,550
26,740
13,100
S Years and 19 Weeks' Total
796,259
801,865
79,634
13,519
10,343
103,501
240
^WOBKS TRADE.
commencement.
EZPBNSBS.
'Kr__ t
Period. Ended.
Rate on Production.
Stocks
at
Percent
PerjB.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
end.
£ s. d.
s. d. 1
£
s.d.
£
2 Years & 29 Weeks, Dec, 1910
18 15 61
2 9
17,176
0 11
\ 34,547
Year, „ 1911
11 13 5|
2 4
5,407
0 Gi
' 42,750
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
13 19 8|
2 9i
6,157
0 71
33,983
„ „ 1913
18 6 65
2 7i
10,881
Olli
j 44,640
Half Year, June, 1914
15 6 2|
3 Of
' 5,024
oiog
27,047
6 Years and 3 Weeks' Total ....
13 9 8i
2 8i
44,645
0 91
"
ATV^OBKS TRADE.
commencement.
Expenses.
Net Profit.
Pekiod. Ended.
Rate on Production.
Stocks
at
Per cent.
Per£.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
end.
£ s. d.
8. d.
£
s. d.
£
1 Year & iS Weeks, December, 1910
12 15 31
2 61
14,376
1 41
23,236
Year, „ 1911....
11 6 m
2 3
8,593
1 IJ
21,223
(53 weeks) „ 1912....
12 0 ^
2 4i
8,022
1 c«
25,713
1913....
14 3 4i
2 10
11,209
1 15
32,6.57
1 -
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
15 0 Oi
3 0
4,785
1 li
28,118
5 Years and 19 Weeks' Total. . . .
12 18 IJ
2 6i
46,985
1 2J
i ■■
241
DUNSTON FLOUB
• From
Expenses.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Period. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
£
4 Years & 36 Weeks, Dec, 1895 ....
1,521,168
1,502,636
86,159
29,715
23,219
139,098
5 „ „ 1900 ....
2,772,171
2,732,924
139,138
33,810
19,647
192,596
S „ „ 1905 ....
3,330,419
3,252,957
163,484
81,470
22,002
' 216,956
5 „ „ 1910 ....
3,927,284
3,877,005
187,590
46,304
46,879
280,778
Year, „ 1911 ....
765,052
769,472
46,871
9,037
7,639
63,597
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 ....
854,824
851,306
43,029
9,133
8,488
60,650
„ 1913 ....
909,128
904,821
45,166
9,135
7,863
62,165
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
420,815
380,797
25,158
4,568
4,405
34,126
23 Years & 10 Weeks' Total. .
14,500,861
14,271,918
736,590
173,223
140,142
1,049,955
242
MILL TRADE.
commencement.
Expenses.
Rate on Pro-
duction.
Net Pkofit.
Net Loss.
Stocks
Pebiod. Ended.
Rate
Rate
at
end.
Per cent.
Perje.
Amo'nt.
perje
on Sup-
plies.
Amo'nt.
per £
on Sup-
plies.
£ s. d.
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
i Years & 36 Weeks, Dec, 1895. .. .
9 6 li
110*
••
••
81,884
0 5
71,974
3 „ .. 1900....
7 0 Hi
1 H
20,952
0 n
• •
..
54,476
8 „ „ 1905....
6 13 4|
1 4
84,917
0 2^
••
131,541
5 „ „ 1910....
7 4 10
1 51
3«,5.«r7
0 IJ
••
105340
Year, ,. 1911....
8 5 3^
1 71
11,549
0 Si
..
164,493
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912....
7 2 5i
1 5
11,107
0 3
••
••
182,376
.. 1913 ..
6 17 4i
1 41
8,352
0 2i
182,179
Half Year, June, 1914....
8 19 2|
1 H
3,163
0 If
151,898
23 Years & 10 Weeks' Total. .
7 7 If
1 51
122,577
••
31,884
••'
]
Jess Loss . .
Jeaves Net
81,884
••
Profit . .
1
90,693
0 li
••
••
248
SILVERTO^VN FLOUR
From
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Depre-
ciation.
Interest.
Total.
Half Year, December, 1900
S Years, „ 1905
.5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 19] 4
£
62,476
1,802,999
2,809,309
466,374
548,720
572,628
310,093
£
61,569
1,771,744
2,760,514
417,180
548,723
564,570
295,884
£
5,524
92,095
117,596
23,396
26,126
25.337
12,984
£
1,804
25,371
39,474
8,109
7,680
7,731
1,794
£
1,118
17,720
30,427
4,939
5,155
4,752
2,397
£
8,446
135,186
187,497
36,444
38,961
37,820
17,175
14 Years' Total
6,572,599
6,420,184
303,058
91,963
66,508
461,529
MANCHESTER SUN FLOUR
From
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
1
Interest. Total.
4 Years & 34 Weeks, Dec, 1910 ....
Year, „ 1911 ....
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 ....
„ 1913 ....
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
£
3,213,133
914,196
1,073,127
1,047,636
570,053
£
3,141,508
894,453
1,038,930
1,023,552
571,371
£
106,557
34,715
40,077
47,164
24,361
£
33,720
10,099
10,102
10,102
6,130
£
28,189
6,873
5,670
4,993
8,769
£
168,466
51,687
55,849
62,259
34,260
8 Years and 8 Weeks' Total
6,818,145
6,669,814
252,874
70,153
49,494
372,521
244
MILL TBADE.
commencement.
Expenses.
BEStTLT or WORKINO.
'
Bate on Pboduction.
Per cent. Per £.
\
1
Pekiod. Ended.
Profit.
Loss.
Bate
per £ on
Supplies.
stocks
at end.
Half Year, December, 1900 ....
£ 8. d.
13 14 4^
8. d.
2 8i
£
£
4,381
8. d.
1 4i
£
18,538
5 Years, „ 1905 ....|
7 12 7J
1 6i
10,962
..
0 li
81,712
5 „ „ 1910 ....
6 15 10
1 4i
••
24,389
0 2
52,189
Year, „ 1911 ....
8 14 8i
1 8i
6,353
..
0 3i
42,282
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 ....
7 2 0
1 5
2432
..
0 Oi
96,680
1913....
6 13 111
1 4
••
6,510
0 21
106,508
1
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
5 16 1
I li
IfiTJ
..
0 li
1 S2.118
14 Years' Total
7 3 91
1 6i
■■
14,156
0 Oi
AND PROVENDEB MILL TBADE.
commencement.
Pekiod.
Ended.
4 Years ft 34 Weeks, December, 1910
Year,
(53 weeks)
1911
1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
8 Years ft 8 Weeks' Total
Expenses.
Net Besiilt.
Bate on Production.
Stocks
at end.
Per cent.
i
Per £. '■
\
Profit,
Bate per £
on
Supplies.
£ s. d.
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
5 7 3
1 Of
15,507
0 n
63,394
6 15 6i
1 If
17,562
0 4i
60.784
5 7 6i
1 OJ 1
25,959
0 5S
23,861
6 1 71
1 2i
21,248
0 4|
61,171
5 19 11
5 11 81
1 2|
1 18
6.880
0 2i
73,679
87,156
0 3
••
245
OLDHAM STAB FLOUR
From
Expenses.
Period.
Ended.
Net Produc-
S applies. tion.
US^f'^T^^^' Total.
4 Years & 38 Weeks, Dec, 1910 ..: 1,728,272 | 1,712,548 \ 69,450
£
18,880
1913
£ £
16,189 i 104,519
Year, December, 1911 367,265 356,691 18,413 4,089 , 3,017
„ „ 1912 (53 weeks).. I 416,130, 411,926 1 18,314 i 4,086 ! 2,673
95.519
25,022
395,555 ' 20,981 3,978 2,809 I 27,S
Half Year, June, 1914 193,653 , 188,351 1 1 9,974
1,070 13,033
8 Years and 12 Weeks' Total 3,100,988 , 3,055,071 , 137,132 32,971 25,258 j 195,361
NOTE.— Rochdale Flour Mill acquired January, 1906; closed 'June, 1907, when trade
was transferred to Oldham Star Mill.
AVONMOUTH FLOUB AND
From
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
! Expenses.
Period. Ended.
1 Wages &
i Sundry.
1
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
34 Weeks, December, 1910
Year, December, 1911
„ „ 1912 (53 weeks) ..
1913
£
232,241
427,217
522,403
556,420
281,994
£
227,688
393,606
470,742
499,220
247,423
1 £
1 9,126
15,462
17,585
17,487
8,525
£
2,953
5,028
5,156
5,158
2,648
£
4,369
6.055
5,873
6,176
2,954
£
16,448
26,545
28,614
28,821
Half Year, June, 1914
14,127
4 Years and 8 Weeks' Total. .
2,020,275
1,838,679
68,185
20,943
25,427
114,555
246
MILL TRADE.
commencement.
Expenses.
Net Result.
Rate on Pboduction.
Per cent. Per £.
Stocks
at end.
Period. Ended.
Profit.
Rateperje
on
Supplies.
£ 8. d.
8.
d.
£
s.
d.
£
4 Years & 38 Weeks, Dec, 1910
6 2 Of
1
2i
12,061
0
n
31.196
Tear, December, 1911
7 3 1.
1
5S
4.073
0
21
62,038
„ „ 1912 (53 weeks)
6 1 53
1
2i
8,115
0
*i
25,881
1913
6 17 10|
1
4h
3,986
0
^
28,077
Half Year, June, 1914
6 IS 4|
1
ii
1,737
0
2|
16,664
8 Years* 12 We«ks' Total
6 7 5|
1
H
29,972
0
2i \
••
PROVENDEB MILL TRADE.
commencement.
Pebiod.
Ended.
34 Weeks, December, 1910
Year, Dec, 1911
„ „ 1912 (53 weeks) . . . .
„ ,. 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
4 Years & 8 Weeks' Total.
Expenses. '
Ni
ET Result.
Rate on Production.
Stocks
at end.
Per cent. { Per £.
Profit.
Rateperje .
Loss. on
1 Supplies.
£ s. d. ' 8. d.
7 4 5| j 1 5i
£
£
11,438
s. d. W
0 111 ;!
£
119,915
6 14 lOi
IH
6,522
0 ss i
155,961
6 1 6|
1 3}
9,133
..
0 4i
1!
137,753
5 15 5§
1 IS
3,465
.. ' 0 11 i'
147,&42
5 14 21 ; 1 1|
2,288
.. I 0 IJ
97,998
6 4 7|
1 21 1
9,970
■■
0 1| 1
247
MANCHESTER TOBACCO
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
2 Tears and 28^ Weeks, Dec, 1900
436,841
32,199
1,944
3,069
87,212
S „ ,, 1905
1,846,976
1 111,441
7,380
11,907
130,728
9 « » 1910
2,900,605
159,075
12,544
19,862
191,481
Year, „ 1911
702,611
37,055
2,888
4,183
44,126
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
730,327
89,829
2,924
4,689
47,442
1913
726,091
41,166
2,955
4,692
48,813
Half Year, June, 1914
366,896
i 21,310
1,512
2,680
25,502
16 Years and 2^ Weeks' Total. . . .
7,710,347
i
442,075
32,147
51,082
525,804
^SATEST HABTLEPOOL LABD BEEINEBY
From-
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest. Total.
i
« Years and 37 Wks., Dec, 1900 ....
8 „ „ 1905 ... .
5 „ „ 1910....
Year, „ 1911 ....
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912 ....
„ 1913....
Half Year, June, 1914 ....
£
374,595
652,804
626,531
109,527
127,460
140,148
68,497
£
12,475
16,279
14,610
2,846
3,038
2,795
1
1,378
£
8,690
4,588
5,338
1,082
845
378
189
8,298
8,708
3,785
767
560
457
276
£
19,463
24,575
23,733
4,695
4,443
3,630
1,843
18 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. .
2,099,562
53,421
16,110
12,851 I 82,382
Note. — Egg Department closed June, 1904.
248
FACTOBY TBABE.
commenceTnent.
Period.
Ended.
2 Years and 28^ Weeks, December, 1900
s „
1906
5 „
1910
Year,
1911
„ (53 weeks)
1912
»
1913
Half Year, June,
16 Years and 2i Weeks' Total
1914
Net Pbofit.
Amount.
Bate
per £ on
Supplies.
£
s. d.
6,488
0 8i
35^26
0 4§ ;
14,121
0 IS
2,915
0 og
3,691
0 ij
1,024
0 Oi
136
••
63,701
0 li
stocks
at end.
£
44,502
77,749
75,331
93,935
108.889
128,457
127,530
AND EGG ^WABEHOUSE TBABE.
commenceinent.
Period.
Ended.
i Years and 37 Weeks, December, 1900
S „
5 „
Year,
„ (53 weeks)
»»
Half Year,
June,
1905
1910
1911
1912
1913
1914
18 Years and 11 Weeks' Total
Net Profit.
Amount.
£
7,496
10,418
11,389
293
4,595
4,330
38,907
I Stocks
Rate at end.
per je on
Supplies.
s. d.
0 4i
0 3|
0 4i I
0 Of ,
0 81 I
0 7i l|
0 li ii
14,053
6,279
11,960
8,655
4,031
15,843
0 41
249
LONGSIGHT PRINTING
From
Period. Ended.
47 Weeks, December, 1895.
8 Tears, „ 1900.
5 „ „ 1905.
5 „ „ 1910.
Year, „ 1911.
„ (53wks) „ 1912.
„ „ 1913.
Half Year, June, 1914.
Net
Supplies.
£
7,512
177,885
429,902
641,046
158,844
160,300
175,533
94,927
19 Years and 5 Months' Total | 1,845,949
Expenses.
Wages &
Sundry.
79,927
187,020
285,554
69,928
75,379
78,984
43,504
823,637
Deprecia-
tion.
10,957
21,830
30,076
6,290
6,303
6,344
2,724
85,115
Interest.
£
415
5,531
11,188
14,869
2,943
2,789
2,561
1,325
41,641
Total.
£
4,397
96,415
220,038
330,519
79,161
84,471
87,839
47,553
950,393
LEICESTER PRINTING
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages
and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
8 Year & 39 Wee* s, December, 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks; „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
27,412
21,041
22,977
27.549
15,878
£
10,296
8,284
8,750
11,136
6,278
£
1,282
758
639
684
684
£
724
409
355
352
389 .
£
12,302
9,451
9,744
12,172
7,351
5^ Years' Total
114,857
44,744
4,047
2,229
51,020
260
^VORKS TRADE,
commencement.
Period. Ended.
47 Weeks, December, 1895
S Tears, „ 1900
S „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
19 Years and 5 Months' Total
Nbt PBoriT.
Amount.
£
475
6,798
13,369
18,952
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
s. d.
1 31
0 9i
0 71
I
0 7
Stocks
at end.
4,836 j 0 7i
1,948 I 0 21
4,921
1,137
0 61
0 2J
52,431
0 ^
1,089
11,818
18,695
32,187
34,956
32,941
ViTORKS TRADE.
commencement.
Period.
Ended.
1 Year & 39 Weeks, December, 1910
Year,
(53 wks)
Half Year,
June,
1911
1912
1913
1914
5i Years' Total.
Net Profit.
I Bate
Amount. ! per £ on
Supplies.
£
967
570
621
313
,910
s. d.
0 8i
0 6i
1 3
0 5g
0 41
Stocks
at
end.
0 8k
£
2,826
3,346
4,621
4,909
5,509
251
PELA'W PBINTING
Since publishing a separate
Period. Ended.
2 Years, December, 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
lOJ Years' Total . .
Net
Supplies.
EXPE
NSES.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
15,530
6,634
1,143
700
8,477
62,735
27,508
4,044
1,862
33,414
21,390
8,535
1,458
624
10,617
21,411
9,214
1,415
600
11,229
26,785
10,746
1,375
546
12.667
13,899
6,203
699
296
7,198
161,750
68,840
10,184
4,628
83,602
LITTLEBOBOUGH FLANNEL
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
2| Years, December, 1900 . ...
£
56,517
100,878
118,709
25,495
26,417
25,756
9,722
£
12,093
28,098
29,959
6,141
6,271
6,262
3,244
£
1,515
2,287
1,900
380
380
380
190
£
952
2,547
2,611
528
517
510
300
£
14,560
5 „ „ 1905...
32,932
S „ „ 1910
34,470
Year, „ 1911
7,049
„ (53wks) „ 1912
„ 1913
7,168
7,152
Half Year, June, 1914 '.
3.734
16J Years' Total
863,494
92,068
7,082
7,965
107,066
252
W^OBKS TRADE.
Account in Balance Sheet.
Period. Enped.
2 Tears, December, 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
Half Tear, June, 1914
10^ Tears' Total . . .
Net Profit.
Amonnt.
Rate per £
on Supplies.
1,208
481
790
3,722
B. d.
0 Si
0 4i
0 71
0 61
0 7
0 Of
0 5*
Stocks
at end.
£
315
3,150
3,147
3,119
3392
4,313
MILL TRADE.
commencement.
Period.
Ended.
23 Tears, December, 1900
5 „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Tear, „ 1911
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
1913
Half Tear, June, 1914
16J Tears' Total
Net Profit.
Amount.
£
18
400
4,730
1,739
870
57
8,805
Bate
per £ on
Supplies.
s. d.
0 Oi
0 9i
0 91
1 3|
0 8
0 If
0 5|
Stocks
at end.
£
7,992
7,693
10,089
10,158
11,215
12,911
20,178
868
HUTH^VAITE HOSIERY
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry.
Depre-
ciation.
Interest.
Total.
2h Years, December, 1905
£
168,315
365,805
107,290
126,958
158,318
72,296
£
44,581
102,696
24,358
30,816
35,805
19,512
£
5,120
11,996
2,559
2,920
3.197
1,689
£
4,559
12,364
2,762
2,952
2,924
1,581
£
54,260
127,056
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911 ...
29,679
36.688
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
41,926
Half Year, June, 1914
22,782
11 Years' Total
998,977
257,768
27,481
27,142
312,391
Note.— Business transferred from Leicester to Huthwaite June, 1908.
DESBOBO' COBSET
From
. Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
Half Year, December, 1905
5,142
2,286
56
131
2,473
5 Years, „ 1910
115,418
43,433
5,269
3,911
52,613
Year, „ 1911
34,208
11,237
1,105
785
13,127
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
34,103
11.840
1,129
790
13,759
1913
37,569
12,187
1,134
714
14,085
Half Year, June, 1914
23,161
6,703
572
366
7,641
9 Years' Total
249,601
87,686
9,265
6,697
103.648
254
FACTORY TRADE.
commencevtent.
Nkt Profit.
Net Loss.
Pbkiod. Ended.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
Amount.
Bate
per £ on
Sapplies.
stocks
at end.
2k Tears. December. 1905
£
255
s. d.
0 Oi
••
0 5i
0 7g
0 3|
0 3
40,196
8. d.
2 2i
••
..
£
26,549
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53 weeks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
11 Years' Total
Less Profit
2,368
4,037
2.498
930
49,919
47,805
, 55,548
59,438
75,254
10,088
••
40,198
10,088
1 ••••
1
30,110
0 n
I
!
FACTORY TRADE.
commencement.
Net Promt.
Net Loss.
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Bate
per £ on '
Supplies.
Rate
Amount, per £ on
1 SuppUes.
Btocks
at end.
Half Year, December, 1905
JB
1,084
1,124
1,163
1,340
8. d.
0 7i
0 7S
0 71
1 n
£
484
3,069
8. d.
llOi
0 61
£
7,558
11,337
11,344
5 Years, „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53week8) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
12,987
11,525
Half Year, June, 1914
10,765
9 Years' Total
4,661
3,553
"
3,553
Leares Net Profit
1,108
0 1
1
••
256
BKOUG-HTON SHIBT
Since publishing a separate
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry.
Depre-
ciation.
Interest. \ Total.
i Years, December 1910
£
316,938
102,092
125,477
140,406
70,469
£
, 69,831
21,523
26,218
£
8,994
902
£
4,449
975
£
78,274
93 inn
Year, „ 1911
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
930
980 28,128
1,242 aa.ERR
„ „ 1913
30,166
, 15,712
1,160
630
Half Year, June, 1914
669
17,011
7^ Years' Total
755,382
163,450
7,616
8,815
179,381
BATLEY ^VSTOOLLEN
From
PiTPTnTi 'RiJ-mT'n
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Expenses.
Wages &
Sundry,
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
4 Years, December, 1890
5 „ „ 1895
S „ „ 1900
3 „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911..;
„ (53 wks),, 1912
,. 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
44,326
95,265
183,387
245,026
256,059
55,786
51,384
59,334
34,466
£
47,618
94,954
183,125
245,771
264,100
57,686
53,562
60,905
31,734
£
20,978
31,138
48,641
71,871
81,869
17,959
17,523
18,966
9,673
£
1,124
?.,9H9
4,394
8,374
8,729
1,924
1,924
1,955
989
1,607
1,990
2,808
4,566
6,201
.
1,353
1,327
1,260
663
£
28,704
35,367
55,843
84,811
96,799
21,236
20,774
22,181
11,325
27% Years' Total
1,025,033
1,039,455
318,618
31,652
21,776
872,040
256
FACTORY TRADE.
Account in Balance Sheet.
! Net Profit.
Net Loss.
Period. Ended.
. Amount.
Bate
per £ on
aupplies.
Amount.
Rate
per jB on
SuppUes.
Stocks
at end.
£
4 Years, December, 1910
Tear, „ 1911 854
„ (53wk8) „ 1912 2,537
„ „ 1913 1,687
Half Year, June, 1914 2,070
8. d.
!
0 2 :
0 4|
0 2i ;
0 7 1
£
12
8. d.
£
«3,251
14,684
26,906
24,925
32,636
7i Years' Total I 7,148
i
12
■'
1
Leaves Net Profit 7,136
0 21
•■
••
1
1
MILL TRADE.
commencement.
Expenses.
Peeiod. Ended.
Rate on Pao-
DUCTION.
Net Profit.
Stocks
Per cent.
Perje.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
at end.
4 Years, December, 1890
£ s. d.
49 15 7
37 4 llj
30 9 10|
34 10 li
36 13 0§
36 16 3i
38 15 8|
36 8 4i
35 13 8g
s. d.
9 111
7 5|
6 IJ
6 10|
7 3i
7 4i
7 9
7 31
7 11
£
♦6796
3,089
7,648
7,244
5,946
1,881
1,367
1,301
1,018
s. d.
3 (^
0 71
0 10
0 7
0 5i
0 8
0 61
0 6i
0 7
£
7,326
8,139
10,904
5 „ „ 1895
S „ „ 1900
5 „ „ 1905
12,886
5 „ „ 1910
17,589
Year, „ 1911
17,850
21,614
23,964
20,263
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
27* Years' Total
35 15 10
7 li
22,648
0 5i
♦Loss.
267
BUBY ^ATEAVING-
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
37 Weeks, December, 1905
5 Years, „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (58wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
27,620
410,746
114,534
111,957
109,909
58,588
1
7,668
i 89,517
21,690
20,016
22,015
11,597
£
1,223
12,145
2,577
2,664
2,724
1,362
£
823
8,177
1,9«1
1,641
1,387
727
£
9,714
109,83*
26,228
• 24,321
26,126
13,686
9 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. .
833,354
172,503
22,695
14,716
209,914
BADCLIFFE ^WEAVING
From
Net
Supplies.
1
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry,
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
20 Weeks, December, 1912
Year, „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
981
17,470
21,907
£
1,100
6,779
4,923
£
120
947
652
£
66
611
443
£
1,286
8,337
6,018
1 Year and 46 Weeks' Total. .
40,358
12,802
1,719
1,120
15,641
258
SHED TRADE.
commencement.
Nkt Profit.
Net Loss.
Period, Ehsed.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
Amount.
Rate
per £ ou
Supplies.
Stocks
at end.
£
B. d.
'£
s. d.
£
37 Weeks, December, 1905
650
0 61
6,129
5 Years, „ 1910
1,937
0 li
,^
••
81,918
Year, „ 1911
188
0 Oi
..
..
34,784
„ (53wks) „ 1912
1,156
0 2g
••
21,458
1913
1,473
0 Si
••
22,537
Half Year, June, 1914
984
0 4
24,126
9 Years and 11 Weeks' Total. .
5,737
650
••
650
••
Leaves Net Profit
5,087
0 If
SHED TBADE.
commencement.
Net Profit. i
Net Loss. I
1
Period. Endkd.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies. ,
Amount.
Rate
per £ on |
Supplies. '
Stocks
at end.
20 Weeks, December, 1912
Year, „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
■ •
40
1
1
i
0 Oi
£
587
3,056
1
8. d.
3 5i
£
4,208
12,066
13,971
1 Year and 46 Weeks' Total. .
40
••
3,643
40
••
••
Less Profit.
Leaves Net
Loss
8,603
1 9i
259
LEEDS CLOTHING
From
Period.
Ended.
2i Tears,
December
1890
8 »
„
1895
s „
„
1900
s „
„
1905
s „
..
1910
Year,
„
1911
„ (53 wks) „
1912
»»
„
1913
Half Year, June, 1914.
25| Years' Total . . .
Net
Supplies.
£
10,652
97,978
198,863
251,014
288,718
65,239
71,975
83,806
52,450
1,120,695
Expenses.
Wages &
Sundry.
£
6,414
53,712
109,204
137,638
164,333
39,361
39,663
50,154
28,752
629,231
Deprecia-
tion.
£
149
903
2,639
5,366
4,978
1,242
1,326
2,323
1,000
19,025
Interest.
£
128
760
1,740
2,938
3,118
724
Total.
55,375
113,583
145,941
172,424
41,426
41,821
53,760
30,476
12,341 ! 661,497
BBOUGHTON CLOTHING
Since publishing a separate
Pbriod.
Ended.
Half Year, December, 1895.
S Years,
1900
8 „
1905
8 „ »
1910.
Year, „
1911
„ (53 wks) „
1912
»> »
1913
Half Year, June,
1914
19 Years' Total
Net
Supplies.
7,561
146,319
204,787
215,743
51,365
52,441
58,150
34,501
770,867
Expenses.
Wages &
Sundry.
£
4,920
96,238
127,974
33,019
35,690
35,149
18,713
483,942
Deprecia-
tion.
£
171
3,671
5,630
5,860
805
821
936
507
18,401
Interest.
Total.
£
106
2,252
3,245
8,124
630
704
730
436
11,227
£
5,197
102,161
136,849
141,223
34,454
37,215
36,815
19,656
513,570
260
FACTORY TRADE.
commencement.
Net PBoriT.
Nkt Loss.
Pkriod. Ended.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies. ,
Amount.
Rate
per je on
Supplies.
Stocks
at end.
2i Years, December, 1890
5 „ „ 1895
5 „ „ 1900
5 „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
5,663
13,728
10,949
8,528
1,445
868
417
28
s. d.
1 li
1 4i
OlOi ,
0 7
0 5|
0 2i
0 li
0 Oh
£
1,125
B. d.
2 li
£
1,316
5,276
9,764
8,860
9,743
li,482
10,860
15,515
13,405
25i Years' Total
41,626
..
1,125
••
•-
1,125
"
1
1
Leaves Net Profit
40,501
0 88
>
FACTORY TRAX)E.
Account in tJie Balance Sheet.
Net Profit.
Period. Ended.
Rate
Net lioss.
Stocks
Rate i! at end.
Amount. ! per £ on Amount, per £ on
Half Year, December, 1895
S Years, „ 1900
5 „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
19 Years' Total
licss Loss
Leaves Net Profit
Supplies.
Supplies.
£
8. d.
£
B. d.
£
254
0 8
..
1,003
..
,.
1,677
0 n
5,453
6,636
0 71
..
..
! 3,306
12,335
1 If
■■
4,505
692
0 3i
6,597
..
425
0 li
8,203
1,201
0 4i
10,326
203
0 li
••
8,709
1
21,320
i
2,102 !
2,102 !
19,218
0 5S
261
LEICESTER BOOT AND
Since keeping
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Net
Supplies.
Produc-
tion.
Wages*
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
£
2J Years, January, 1876
86,565
97,576
28,264
166
914
29,344
S „ December, 1880
369,857
362,821
127,772
1,947
4,987
184,706
S „ „ 1885
495,321
493,020
182,021
3,369
5,822
191,212
S „ „ 1890
771,134
783,457
291,291
5,724
7,622
804,637
S „ „ 1895
1,264,427
1,269,859
495,923
19,269
23,491
538,683
S „ „ 1900
1,560,965
1,546,483
593,400
27,815
24,566
645,781
a « .. 1905
1,812,821
1,781,627
687,119
25,134
23,234
735,487
5 „ „ 1910
1,834,286
1,823,798
662,930
14,279
25,712
702,921
Y«ar, „ 1911
374,882
363,231
132,790
662
4,514
137,966
„ (58 wkB) „ 1912
428,531
412,209
140,555
494
4,163
145,212
1913
384,045
369,697
128,886
677
4,434
133,997
Half Year, June, 1914
265,535
244,520
77,984
344
2,089
80,367
401 Years' Total
9,647,869
9,543,298
3,548,885
99,880
131,548
3,780,813
262
SHOE "WORKS TRADE.
€. separate Account.
Period.
■2i Years, January, 1876
December, 1880
EXPKNSKS.
Rats on
Pboduction.
Per cent.
£ s. d.
30 1 5§
Perje.
s. d.
6 OJ
Net Pbofit.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
Year,
„ (53 weeks) ,,
Half Year, June,
37 2 6| 7 5
38 1*^ 8 I 7 9
38 17 8
42 8 4i
41 15 li 8 4|
1895
1900
1905 41 5 7i
1910 38 10 9i
7 9i
8 51
s. d.
0 4*
4,008 0
0 4i
35,946 0 Hi
i
24,347 0 4i
7 81
1911
1912
1913
1914
37 19 % 7 7J
35 4 61 7 Oi
36 4 10| 7 2J
17 4i ' 6
40i Years' Total
39 11 9i
7 11
27,905
0 4i
16,617
0 2
40,084
0 5i
6,179
0 ^
7,577
0 41
3,305
0 2
5,991
0 5i
181,077
0 ^
263
HECKMONDWTKE BOOT, SHOE,
From
Period.
Ended.
I Net
I Supplies.
Boot and
Shoe
Produc-
tion.
Half Year, December, 1880.
£
3,060
5 Years,
Year,
„ (53 weeks)
Half Year, June,
1885 ! 83,295 !
1890 139,007 !
1895 229,350 ,
1900 280,601
1905 342,878
1910 1 357,796 i
1911 84,141 ;
1912 1 105,738
1913 115,202
£
3,438
85,197
117,020
192,594
238,078
307,637
1914.
34 Years' Total 1,800,382 1,645,494
59,314
Total Expenses
(Including Currtjng Department).
Wages & Deprecia-i t„x^^^„x
Sundry, j tion. Interest.
£
1,057
44,539
78,872
100,647
115,788
115,619
80,470 I 27,853
103,790 34,194
118,305
20,028
461
1,038
2,389
2,857
4,552
5,408
8,605 1
6,104
10,183
6,161
3,416
4,652
14
14
1,515
795
878
1,152
2,175
1,200
31,960
Total.
£
1,103
29,323
49,785
88,832
115,356
132,132
123,687
28,745
85,360
42,088
23,028
31,655 j 668,434
BUSHDEN BOOT ANI>
Fro7n-
Period.
Ended.
31 Weeks, December, 1900
5 Years,
Net
Supplies.
£
11,091
Year,
„ (53 weeks)
1905 1 285,920
1910 1 544,351
1911
1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
II Years and 5 Weeks' Total.
88,997
89,796
98,015
57,138
1,175,318
Produc-
tion.
£
11,806
295,640
559,668
76,017
94,848
53,686
1,191,287
Expenses.
Wages &
Sundry.
£
4,215
84,225
153,740
23,638
27,777
27,439
16,147
337,181
Depre-
ciation.
£
68
5,191
2,515
2,769
1,412
24,202
Interest.
3,867
8,656
2,035
1,915
1,907
976
19.489
Total.
171,835
28,18&
32,461
32,154
18,535
264
AND CUBRYING ^WOBKS TRADE
commencement.
EXPSNSKS.
Boot 4 Shoe Rats
ON Pboductiok.
Nkt Profit.
Net Loss.
Period.
Ended.
Per cent, i Per £.
Half Year, December, 1880.
S Years,
S „
5 „
S „
5 „
S „
Year,
„ (53 weeks)
Half Year, June,
1885.
1900.
1905.
1910.
1911.
1912.
1913.
1914.
34 Years' Total
Rate , Rate
Amo'nt. per £ on i Amo'nt.) i)er £ on
Supplies. - ..
£ s.
d.
s.
d.
32 1
n
6
4i
34 8
35 16
38 2
40 18
37 19
33 6
l|
l|
6
7
7
8
7
6
1
33 3
31 17
33 12
83
.1
6
6
6
31 19
3*
6
35 IS lOi
7
Less Loss
Leaves Net Profit.
Stocks
at end.
71
4,953
9,416
6,074 0 4i
616
1,364
467
406
0 li
23,367
••
4,748
••
18,619
0 21
SHOE ^W^OBKS TRADE.
comm,en€e7nent.
Period.
Ended.
31 Weeks, December, 1900
5 Years,
1905
8 „
1910
Year,
1911
„ (53 weeks) „
1912
»» >»
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
14 Years and S Weeks' Total. . .
Expenses.
1
Net Profit.
Rate on Production.
' Stocks
Per cent.
Perje.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
at end.
£ a. d.
8. d.
£
s. d.
£
36 19 71
7 4|
964
1 8|
2,482
31 11 0|
6 31
22,070
1 6i
20.549
30 14 Og
6 li
27,392
1 0
38,333
37 1 71
7 4i 1
869
0 Oi
25,076
34 4 5|
6 10J ,
716
0 IS
28,?;92
32 5 6
6 51
720
0 1|
34,376
34 10 51
6 101
331
0 li ^
33,993
31 19 4&
6 4i
52,562
0 101
■•
265
BBOUQHTON CABINET
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
31 Years, December, 1895
5 „ „ 1900
5 „ „ 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
22,423
65,846
69,879
141,435
32,136
30,442
36,616
18,135
£
15,442
39,217
36,847
69,372
15,806
15.529
17,907
9,233
£
1,216
2,414
2,921
3,608
690
80
86
45
£
1,326
2,524
2,363
3,257
741
480
476
264
£
17,984
44,155
42,181
76,237
17,237
16,089
18,469
9,542
21| Years' Total
416,912
219,353
11,060
11,481
241,844
LEEDS BRUSH
Since publishing a separate
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended
' ■ I
"^^^ ""'S:'" I-*--'-^ Total.
i i
1 J Years, December, 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
£
16,814
109,505
32,047
33,498
36,669
20,624
i
i 7,530
45,569
12,880
13,439
14,918
8,618
:
£ £
307 341
3,272 2,544
915 705
955 678
960 579
484 801
1
£
8,178
51,385
14,500
15,072
16,457
9,403
18 Years' Total
249,157
102,954
6,893 5,148
114,995
Note.— Huddersfield business transferred to Leeds, June, 1906.
266
WOBKS TRADE.
commencement.
Net Pkofit.
Net Loss.
Period. Ended.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
Stocks
at end.
£
s. d.
£
s. d.
£
3i Years, December, 1895
••
1,305
1 11
7,257
3 „ „ 1900
..
5,950
1 91
4,452
S „ „ 1905
..
432
0 li
7,584
5 „ „ 1910
1,547
0 21
••
9,853
Year, „ 1911
201
0 li
1 10,917
„ (53wks) „ 1912
139
0 1
12,133
1913
188
0 IJ
12,797 •
Half Year, June, 1914
103
0 li
••
14,767
213 Years' Total
2,178
••
7,687
2,178
••
Less Pro
Leaves >
fit
ret Loss
5,509
0 3J
FACTORY TRADE.
Account in Balance Sheet.
Period.
Ended.
Net Profit.
11 Years, December, 1905
5 „ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914 '
10 Years' Total ! 6,847
Amount.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
£
s. d.
565
0 8
3,907
0 8i
1,003
0 7i
873
0 6J
293
0 IS
206
0 2|
0 6i
2d7
KEIGHLEY
From
i
Expenses.
Pekiod. Ended.
Supplies. ; Wages and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
2| Years, December, 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
r
£ 1 £
40,970 i 17.167
i
19,712 i 8,283
23,397 i 9,340
29,536 11,082
15,776 5,712
£
1,418
551
562
574
287
£
1,186
485
419
420
202
£
19,721
9,269
10,321
12,076
6,201
6 Years' Total
129,391 ; 51,584
3,392
2,612
57,588
DUDLEY BUCKET AND
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
£
£
£
£
£
2i Years, December, 1910
61,120
24,717
1,189
954
26,860
Year, „ 1911
25,546
9,839
440
391
10,670
„ (53wks) „ 1912
27,749
10,402
440
378
11,220
1913
31,570
11,347
440
343
12,130
Half Year, June, 1914
17,138
1 6,500
220
169
6,889
6 Years' Total
163,123
62,805
2,729
2,235
67,769
268
%
IBON^WOBKS TBADE.
commencement.
Period. Ended.
^ Years, December, 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
6 Years' Total
Net PROFrr. i
stocks
at end.
Amount.
Rate per £
on Sapplies.
£ .
1
8. d.
£
89S
0 5i
4,699
805
0 9f
4,651
901
0 9i
6,887
1^98
1 Oi ^
5,939
1,604
2 Of
6,204
.'ifiOfi
0 10?
FENDER ^WORKS TRADE.
comm^Ticement.
Period. Ended.
Net Profit.
A„„„„* Rate per £
^"°^*- Ion Supplies.
Stocks
at end.
2| Years, December, 1910
£
2,149
683
1,266
2,661
1.137
s. d.
0 81
« 61
0 101
1 7i
1 3i
£
3,849
Year, „ 1911 ..
4,069
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
4,736
„ „ 1913
4,542
Half Year, June, 1914
4,454
6 Years' Total
7,786
0 111
269
BIRTLEY TINPLATE
From
Net
Supplies.
1
Expenses.
1
Pkeiod. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest. Total.
2| Tears, December, 1910
£
16,745
7,118
7,489
7,336
3,512
£
8,476
3,016
3,073
3,291
1,664
£
742
214
212
212
106
£ ! £
542 9.760
Year, „ 1911
172
151
134
68
3402
3,436
3,637
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
1913
Half Year, June, 1914
1.838
6 Years' Total
42,150
19,520
1,486
1,067 22.07.«i
ROCHDALE PAINT, &c.,
From
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
42 Weeks, December, 1912
£
5,156
9,743
6,765
£
1,991
2,759
1,365
£
264
386
£
206
360
96
£
2,461
Year. . 1913 . . .
3,505
Half Year, June, 1914
1,461
2 Years and IS Weeks' Total
21,664
6,115
650
662
7,427
270
W^ORKS TRADE.
commencement.
Period. Ended.
2| Years, December, 1910
Year, „ 1911
„ (53wks) „ 1912
„ „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
6 Years' Total
Net Profit.
Amoimt.
Rate per je !
on Supplies.
£
575
s. d.
0 8i
2,300
1 1
Stocks
at end.
£
2,647
523
1 5| :
2,246
532
1 5J
1,920
429
1
1 2 !
1,642
241
1 ih
1,829
WORKS TRADE.
commencement.
Net Profit.
Net Loss.
Period. Ended,
Amount.
Rate per £
on Supplies.
Amount.
Rate per £
on Supplies.
Stocks
at end.
42 Weeks, December, 1912
1
£ 8. d.
239 0 8i
1
£
757
3,602
s. d.
2 114
£
6,438
6,369
4,755
Year, „ 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
2 Years and 15 Weeks' Total
I
239
4,359
239
••
lit
«s Prnflt.
Jobs
Lt
saves Net 1
4,120
"
271
PELA"W TAILOBINQ, KEBSEY,
Since publishing a separate
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages &
Sundry.
Deprecia-
tion.
Interest.
Total.
2 Years, December, 1905
£
65,992
209,084
46,455
47,965
52,342
28,842
£
20,918
62,147
14,198
14,989
15,912
9,223
£
2,371
5,292
1,083
1,036
988
501
£
1,398
3,540
810
766
647
350
£
24,687
70,979
16,091
5 „ „ 1910
Year, , 1911
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
16,791
17,547
10,074
1913 ...
Half Year, June, 1914
lOi Years' Total
450,680
137,387
11,271
7,511
156,169
peijA"w cabinet
Since publishing a separate
Net
Supplies.
Expenses.
Period. Ended.
Wages and Deprecia-
Sundry. tion.
Interest.
Total.
2 Years, December, 1905
9 „ ■ „ 1910
Year, „ 1911
£
52,223
152,676
32,721
34,204
46,714
24,956
£
31,659
' 78,509
16,776
17,604
22,681
12,600
3,912
.5,339
123
123
107
70
£
2,434
4,377
337
403
468
253
38,005
88,225
17,236
18,130
,. (53 wks) .. 1912
» 1913
Half Year, June, 1914
23,256
12,923
lOi Years' Total
343,494
179,829
9,674
8,272
197,775
272
AND SHIBT FACTOBIES TRADE.
Account in Balance Sheet.
Net PBonr.
1
I
Period. Ended.
1
A_-_„+ Rate per £
^™°^*- onSupVlies.
Stocks
at end.
2 Tears. December. 1905
£
725
8494
982
8. d.
0 21
0 n
0 4?
£
5,606
a 1910
9,411
Year, „ 1911
11,219
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
793 0 3Z
8,112
1913
1,459
532
0 6i
0 4S
9,491
Half Tear, June, 1914
8,995
lOi Tears' Total
12,635 0 6i
^WORKS TRADE.
Account in Balance Sheet.
Period.
Ended.
Result of Working.
2 Years, December, 1905
5 ., „ 1910
Tear, „ 1911
„ (53 wks) „ 1912
,, „ 1913
Half Tear, June, 1914
lOi Tears* Total ..
Profit.
Loss.
Rate
per £ on
Supplies.
Stocks
at end.
£
£
s.
d.
£
1,814
0
8i
9,877
13,117
1
7
1 8,520
i
287
0
2
10,480
121 1
..
i 0
(^
12,211
698
••
1 0
'
13,331
208
! 0
i
2
' 15,472
••
12,707
1
1 0
Si
273
DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PEE CENT. ON
SALES=
Expenses=
Wages
Auditors
Scrutineers
Committees
Price Lists : Printing
„ „ Postage
Printing and Stationery
Periodicals
Travelling
Stamps
Telegrams
Telephones
Miscellaneous
Advertisements and Showcards
" Wheatsheaf " Record
Rents, Rates, and Taxes
Power, Water, Lighting, and Heating
Exhibition and Congress
Quarterly Meetings
Employes' Picnic
Legal
" Annual," 1913
Dining-rooms
Repairs, Renewals, &c
National Health, &c., Insurance
Insurance
Depreciation : Land
„ Buildings
„ Fixtures, &c
Interest
Totals
GRAND TOTAL.
(,691,320.
Amount.
£ s. d.
300323 6 0
999 5 9
31 12 11
10763 7 11
7979 16 0
757 0 4
15645 9 11
382 12 11
6 7
680 19 2
2267 1 2
2674 9 1
6733 13 11
11868 6 11
15024 3 7
8476 11 7
2104 9 6
1250 7 3
400 9 0
119 2 4
924 17 10
25595 11 6
19764 3 5
1772 17 11
5680 19 10
6546 18 6
21971 7 1
9338 19 10
88971 11 7
Rate per
£100.
s. d.
20 2-76
0 0-81
0 0-03
0 8-70
0 6-45
0 0-61
1 0-65
0 0-31
2 7-44
0 8-35
0 0-51
0 1-83
0 2-1&
0 5-44
0 9-59
1 0-14
0 6-85
0 1-70
0 1-01
0 0-32
0 0-10
0 0-75
1 8-69
1 3-98
0 1-43
0 4-59
0 5-29
1 5-76
0 7-55
5 11-92
41 7-72
274
SALES FOE THE YEAE ENDED DECEMBEE 27th, 1913.
sxjnsnAiii^xKY' of xsiarrRxcrr rro'm.rjS.
MANCHESTER.
NEWCASTLE.
LONDON.
£17,021,192.
£5,670,321.
£6,999,807.
Amount.
"JfoT'
Amoont.
Rate per
£100.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
£ 8. d.
151015 5 3
s. d.
17 8-93
£ 8. d.
73065 12 9
8. d.
26 9-25
£ s. d.
76242 8 0
8. d.
21 9-41
589 14 5
0 0^6
216 15 5
0 0^
242 15 11
0 083
18 1 6
0 0-03
5 19 0
0 003
7 12 5 0 0-03
5439 1 6
0 7-67
2994 19 7
1 0-68
2.329 6 10 0 7-99
4833 4 11
0 6-81
1169 4 9
0 4-95
1977 6 4
0 6-78
507 10 11
0 0-72
57 16 5
0 0-24
191 13 0
0 fr66
8299 8 6
0 11-70
3305 7 0
1 1-99
4040 14 5
1 1-85
203 4 11
0 0-29
81 13 2
0 0-84
97 14 10
0 0-34
19217 3 2
2 3-10
7429 14 4
2 7-45
12246 12 3
3 5-99
5337 5 7
0 7-53
2643 18 5
0 11-19
2346 2 7
0 804
303 19 10
0 0-43
261 7 5
0 1-11
65 11 11 ' 0 0-23
1063 3 10
0 1-50
412 15 5
0 1-75
791 1 11 0 2-71
1557 12 10
0 2-20
587 12 0
0 2-49
529 4 3
0 1-82
4060 0 2
0 5-72
1148 11 7
0 4-86
1525 2 2
0 5-23
6781 17 4
0 9-56
2228 5 8
0 9-43
2858 3 11
0 9-80
7039 6 6
0 9-93
3696 18 0
1 3-65
4287 19 1
1 2-70
4672 10 1
0 6-59
1857 14 0
0 7-86
1946 7 6
0 6-67
1566 19 8
0 2-21
244 10 9
0 103
292 19 1 0 100
835 2 7
0 1-18
61 11 2
0 0i26
353 13 6 0 1-21
238 3 0
0 033
62 2 0
0 0^
100 4 0 0 0-34
16 6 8
0 0-02
10 15 5
0 0-04
92 0 3 0 0-32
528 4 3
0 0-74
173 18 0
0 0-74
222 15 7 0 0-76
14462 16 2
1 8-39
6063 4 6
2 1-66
5069 10 10 1 1 5-38
10446 11 3
1 2-73
4429 5 6
1 6-75
4888 6 8 1 4-76
927 3 7
0 1-31
410 7 1
0 1-74
435 7 3 0 1-49
2512 7 8
0 3-54
1452 11 10
0 615
1716 0 4 j 0 5-88
4346 3 8
0 6-13
1245 9 8
0 5-27
955 5 2 1 0 3-28
9478 12 11
1 1-36
6399 14 9
2 *09
6092 19 5 1 8-89
5494 9 6
0 7-75
1791 14 5
0 7-58
^052 15 11 0 7-04
45637 13 1
5 4-35
19671 9 6
6 11-26
23662 9 0 6 9-13
317379 5 3
37 3-51
143180 19 6
50 6-02
157660 4 4 45 0-56
275
DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PER CENT. ON
:]y^J^Is^CHc:H]STEI^.
TOTALS.
GROCERY.
COAL.
SALBS =
£17,021,192.
£13,901,860
•
£429,026.
Expenses =
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Amount.
Rate per
jEIOO.
Amount.
Rate per
jeioo.
Wages
£ a. d.
151015 5 8
s. d.
17 8-93
£ 8. d.
72933 11 4
8.
10
d.
5-91
£ 8. d.
1797 7 1
8. d.
8 4-55
Auditors
539 14 6
18 1 6
5439 1 6
o o c.
875 0 6
14 14 6
2929 16 10
0
0
0
0-65
0-08
506
8 13 5
0 9 4
51 0 5
0 0'49
Scrutineers
0 0'03
Committees
0 2-85
Price Lists : Printing
4833 4 n
0 6-81
2230 14 2
0
3-85
„ „ Postage ....
£07 10 11
0 0-72
446 0 11
0
0-77
Printing and Stationery. .
8299 8 6
0 11-70
4682 15 9
0
8-08
229 2 4
1 0-82
Periodicals
203 4 11
0 0-29
158 1 8
0
0-27
4 2 9
0 0-23
19217 3 2
2 310
7569 13 1
1
1-07
489 19 4
2 3-41
5337 5 7
0 7-53
4263 15 1
0
7-36
132 9 6
0 7-41
303 19 10
0 0-43
208 7 2
n
0-36
6 7 6
0 0-36
Telephones
1063 3 10
0 1-50
839 13 6
0
1-45
26 0 6
0 1-46
Miscellaneous
1557 12 10
0 2-20
1081 19 2
0
1-87
28 13 0
0 1-60
Adverts, and Showcards. .
4060 0 2
0 5-72
3145 18 8
0
5-43
63 2 1
0 3-53
"Wheatsheaf" Record ..
6781 17 4
0 9-56
5530 15 2
0
9-55
175 0 0
0 9-79
Rents, Rates, and Taxes..
Power, Water, Lighting,
and Heating
7039 6 6
4672 10 1
0 9-93
0 6-59
3055 15 7
1325 11 3
0
0
5-28
2-29
29 3 0
42 11 4
0 1-63
0 2-38
Exhibition and Congress
1566 19 8
0 2-21
1065 19 6
0
1-84
30 4 1
0 1-69
Quarterly Meetings
835 2 7
0 1-18
681 4 0
0
1-18
21 10 8
0 1-20
Employes' Picnic
238 3 0
0 0-33
95 14 7
0
017
0 4 9
0 0-01
Legal
16 6 8
0 0*02
14 10 7
0
0-02
0 10
"Annual," 1913
528 4 3
0 0-74
429 19 8
0
0-74
13 16 3
0 0-77
14462 16 2
10446 11 3
927 3 7
1 8-39
9884 6 3
1
5-07
204 18 4
0 11-46
Repairs, Renewals, &c. . .
National Health, &c.,
Insurance
1 2-73
0 1-31
6722 3 10
483 15 1
0 11*60
0 0-84
538 14 6
12 12 9
2 6-14
0 0-71
Insurance
2512 7 8
0 3-54
1208 0 10
0
2-09
4 2 0
0 0-23
Depreciation: Land
4346 3 8
0 6-] 3
1740 9 10
0
300
19 13 1
0 110
Buildings..
9478 12 11
1 1-36
3706 10 11
0
6-40
42 18 5
0 -2-40
„ Fixtures, &c.
5494 9 6
0 7-75
2760 16 9
0
4-76
47 16 4
0 2-67
Interest
45637 13 1
5 4-36
24813 1 5
8
6-83
453 19 0
2 1-39
Totals
317379 5 3
37 3-51
164398 17 7
23
7-82
4474 12 9
20 10-31
276
SALES FOR THE YEAE ENDED DEC. 27th, im— continued.
liJI^IsrOIIESTEI^.
DRAPERY.
WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES.
£825,775.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
FURNISHING.
£1,259,157.
£538,661.
£566,713.
Amount "^foT'
Amoont. j
Rate per
jeioo.
Amount.
Rate per
jeioa
Amonnt.
Rate per
£ s. d.
39162 10 3
s. d.
62 2-45
£ s. d.
10614 3 9
8. d.
65 1-95
£ s. d. 1
11444 6 11
8. d.
42 5-90
£ 8. d.
15063 5 11
8. d.
53 192
75 17 0
0 1-44
19 9 8
0 1-43
32 10 3 1
0 1-45
28 3 7
0 1-19
1 7 6
0 0^
0 7 1
0 0-03
0 11 8 1
0 oroa
0 11 5
0 0-03
1099 4 8
1 8^5
276 15 2
1 8-39
552 12 9
2 0-62
529 11 8
1 10-43
1107 1 9
1 9-10
1466 10 6
9 0-04
....
28 18 6
0 1-23
41 8 3
0 0^
20 1 9
0 0-85
1870 13 2
2 11-65
324 9 2
1 11-90
519 12 1
1 11-16
672 16 0
2 4-49
21 10 4
0 0-41
6 18 3
0 0-51
5 14 10
0 0-2€
6 17 1
0 0-29
6769 6 2
10 9-02
2115 18 10
12 11-88
835 6 9
3 1-22
1436 19 0
5 0-86
456 16 10
0 8-71
112 10 9
0 8-29
181 1 2
0 8-07
190 12 3
0 807
33 17 1
0 0-65
13 7 0
0 0-98
7 4 0
0 0-32
34 17 1
0 1-48
94 10 5
0 1-80
27 15 11
0 2-05
39 1 7
0 1-74
36 1 11
0 1-53
274 11 5
0 5-23
58 4 0
0 4-29
54 4 2
0 2-42
60 1 1
0 2-54
329 19 1 0 6-29
93 13 0
0 6-90
342 6 9
1 3-25
85 0 7
0 3-60
514 15 9 1 0 9-81
129 7 5
0 9-53
217 16 11
0 9-71
214 2 1
0 9-07
1725 13 7 i 2 8-89
288 17 7
1 9-28
560 6 2
2 0-97
1379 10 7
4 10-42
1707 0 5
2 8-54
242 6 8
1 5-85
407 5 0
1 6-14
947 15 5
3 4-14
210 7 3
0 4-01
45 11 3
0 3-36
105 4 1
0 4-69
109 13 6
0 4-64
63 7 1 0 1-21
15 18 3
0 1-17
26 16 3
0 119
26 6 4
0 111
81 11 8 0 1-56
16 14 10
0 1-24
17 9 0
0 0-78
26 8 2
0 112
1 11 11 0 003
0 0 10
....
0 1 3
....
0 1 1
40 1 5 0 0-76
! 10 8 4
0 0-77
17 6 3
0 o-n
16 12 4
0 0-70
2173 18 6 3 5-44
502 16 0
3 1-04
882 16 11
3 3-34
814 0 2
2 10-47
1334 13 5 ! 2 1-44
358 9 4
2 2-41
607 0 8
2 3^)5
885 9 6
3 1-50
227 16 6 0 4-34
56 4 4
0 414
55 18 8
0 2-49
90 16 3
0 3-85
527 17 2 0 10-06
289 17 6
1 9-36
190 7 8
0 8-48
292 2 6
1 0-37
1030 19 4 1 1 7-65
197 3 2
1 2-52
415 1 3
1 6-49
i 942 17 0
3 3-93
2821 7 10
1 3 8-25
449 13 9
2 9-13
911 2 1
3 4-59
2046 19 11
7 2-69
1503 19 11
' 2 4-67
81 6 8
0 5-99
158 5 0
0 7-05
942 4 10
3 3-90
8625 6 4
13 8-40'
3167 14 0
19 5-37
4480 7 3
16 7-62
1 4097 5 1
14 5-52
73429 2 0
116 7-58
1 20982 13 0
128 9-80
1 23067 17 4
85 7-79
i 31026 2 7
109 5-94
277
DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND EATE PEE GENT. ON
n^TZE^W^OJ^STXjIB.
TOTALS.
GROCERY.
COAL.
SALES =
£5,670,321.
£4,040,879.
£120,658.
Expenses =
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Wages
& s.
73065 12
d.
9
s. d.
25 9-25
£. s. d.
26832 8 10
s. d.
13 8-37
& s. d.
365 5 6
s. d.
6 0-66
Auditors
216 15
5
0 0-92
119 4 6
0 0-71
2 3 3
0 0-43
Scrutineers
5 19
0
0 0-03
4 3 7
0 003
0 2 8
0 0-03
Committees
2994 19
7
1 0-68
1324 1 10
0 7-86
8 14
0 1-60
Price Lists: Printing
1169 4
9
0 4-95
235 6 1
0 1-40
„ „ Postage
57 16
5
0 0-24
57 16 5
0 0-34
Printing and Stationery. .
3305 7
0
1 1-99
1321 9 8
0 7-85
31 10 4
0 6-27
Periodicals
81 13
9.
0 0-34
48 14 2
0 0-29
1 13 10
0 0-34
Travelling ... ....
7429 14
4
2 7-45
1320 19 7
0 7-85
51 18 5
0 10-31
Stamps
2643 18
5
0 11-19
1084 15 7
0 6-44
8 10 7
0 1-70
Telegrams
261 7
i=>
0 rii
125 19 10
0 0*75
0 13 5
0 013
412 15
5
0 1-75
299 17 8
0 1-78
3 18 7
0 0-78
Miscellaneous
587 12
0
0 2-49
379 8 6
0 2-25
6 3 9
0 1-23
Adverts, and Showcards. .
1148 11
7
0 4-86
716 14 11
0 4-26
18 12 8
0 3-71
"Whjeatsheaf" Record ..
2228 5
8
0 9-43
1567 19 9
0 9-31
48 14 5
0 9-69
Rents, Rates, and Taxes. .
Power, Water, Lighting,
and Heating
3696 18
1857 14
0
0
1 3-65
0 7-86
892 18 3
1426 17 6
0 5-30
0 8-47
4 19 0
25 9 9
0 0-98
0 5-07
Exhibition and Congress .
244 10
9
0 1-03
164 17 7
0 0-98
5 6 3
0 106
Quarterly Meetings
61 11
2
0 0-26
43 5 6
0 0-26
17 1
0 0-27
Employes' Picnic
62 2
0
0 0-26
15 11 0
0 0-09
Legal
10 15
5
0 004
10 11 4
0 0-06
0 0 3
*' Annual," 1913
173 18
0
0 0-74
122 1 8
0 0-73
3 17 5
0 0-77
6063 4
^
2 1-66
4048 17 0
2 0-05
147 11 3
2 5-35
Repairs, Renewals, Ac. . .
National Health, &c..
Insurance
4429 5
410 7
6
1
1 6-75
0 1*74
2271 19 0
128 14 5
1 1-49
0 0-76
49 14 2
2 4 0
0 9-89
0 0-44
Insurance
1452 11 10
0 6-15
696 13 10
0 4-14
18 0
0 0-28
Depreciation : Land
1245 9
8
0 5-27
488 11 11
0 2-90
3 0 0
0 0-60
„ Buildings . .
6399 14
9
2 3-09
3362 2 2
1 7-97
11 4 0
0 2-23
„ Fixtures, &c.
1791 14
5
0 7-58
1023 9 2
0 6-08
5 9 4
0 1-09
Interest
19671 9
6
6 11-26
8990 6 8
4 5-40"
132 16 1
2 2-41
Totals
143180 19
6
50 6-02
59125 17 11
29 3-17
941 15 4
15 7-32
278
SALES FOE THE YEAE ENDED DEC. 27th, 191S— continued.
liTIES-W-C -A.S T liE .
DRAPERY.
WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADE 8.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
FURNISHING.
£684,483.
£207,330.
£262,588.
£354,383.
Amouut.
Rate per
£100.
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
Axnonn. \^^<^^
Amount.
Rate per
£100.
£ s. d. s. d.
21978 15 5 1 64 264
£ 8. d.
4270 16 7
s. d.
41 2-39
£ 8. d. 8. d.
5659 9 2 1 43 1*26
1
£ s. d.
13958 15 3
8. d.
78 9-33
41 3 9 1 0 1-44
13 0 8
0 1-51
17 6 10
0 1-58
23 16 10
0 1-62
0 14 10 0 003
0 4 7
0 0-03
0 5 9
0 0-03
0 7 7
0 0i)3
€89 11 5
2 0-18
220 16 7
2 1-56
370 14 8
2 9-88
381 13 9
2 1-85
311 1 3
0 10-91
605 14 5
5 10-12
6 13 6
0 0-61
10 9 6
0 0-71
844 15 6
2 5-62
....
300 1 9
2 10-74
224 4 0
1 8-49
583 5 9 j 3 3-50
12 0 6
0 0-42
4 10 3
0 0-52
5 5 6
0 0-48
9 8 11 1 0 0-64
3671 15 2 10 5-24
986 1 8
9 615
301 10 4
2 3-56
1197 9 2 6 9-10
813 17 1
e. 4-54
116^ 8 10
1 1-48
127 18 4
0 11-69
492 8 0 2 9-35
104 12 7
. 0 3-67
11 11 7
0 1-34
3 10 3
0 0-32
14 19 9 j 0 1-01
44 7 0 0 1-56
13 3 8
0 1-53
16 16 5
0 1-54
34 12 1
0 2-34
85 10 9 ! 0 3-00
17 14 0
0 2-05
23 2 2
0 2-11
75 12 10
0 512
167 14 8 i 0 5-88
33 3 3
0 3-84
133 7 4
1 0-19
78 18 9
0 5-35
279 6 5 0 9-79
83 17 0
0 9-70
106 12 9
0 9-75
141 15 4 0 9-60
1025 7 12 11-95
251 13 4
2 513
406 3 3
3 1-12
1115 17 1 ; 6 3-57
160 10 5 1 0 5-63
99 4 8
0 11-49
61 19 4
0 5-66
83 12 • 4 0 5-66
28 0 0 i 0 0-93
15 5 1
0 1-76
16 11 1
0 1-51
14 10 9 0 0-98
7 14 5 : 0 0-27
2 6 9
0 0-27
2 19 3
0 0-27
3 18 2 i 0 0-27
20 2 0 0 0-70
3 6 0
0 0-38
3 18 0
0 0-36
19 5 0 ; 0 1-30
0 2 0
....
0 0 6
0 0 7
0 0 9
21 15 10
0 0-77
6 13 6
0 0-77
8 8 5
0 0-77
11 1 2 0 0-75
855 2 9
2 5-98
254 7 7
2 5-45
324 6 11
2 5-65
432 19 0 2 5-32
1024 14 8
2 11-93
1 169 5 9
1 7-60
168 13 7
1 3-42
744 18 4 4 2-44
135 6 3 0 4-74
22 11 5
0 2-61
28 17 0
0 2-64
92 14 0 ; 0 6-28
295 5 0
0 10-35
1 127 11 3
1 2-77
144 13 0
I 1-22
187 0 9 1 0-67
315 17 7
0 11-08
78 11 9
0 910
126 1 9
0 11-53
233 6 8 1 3-80
1227 6 11 3 7-03
397 18 2
3 10-06
487 7 0
3 8-54
913 16 6 5 1-89
443 0 5 i 1 3-53
9 8 4
0 1-09
11 18 6
0 1-09
298 8 8 : 1 8-21
4384 11 9 12 9-74
1859 12 2
17 11-26
2098 14 6
15 11-82
2205 8 4 ; 12 5-36
38890 3 5 1113 7-60
9975 2 8
96 2-70
10887 9 2
82 11-09
23360 11 0 {131 10-05
279
DISTEIBUTIVE EXPENSES AND BATE PEE CENT. ON
LonsriDOi^.
TOTALS.
GROCERY.
COAL.
SALES'-
£6,999,807.
£5,750,722.
£247,452.
Expenses=
Amount.
Rate per
JEIOO.
Amount.
Rate per
£\m.
Amount.
Rate per
£im.
Wages
£ s. d.
76242 8 0
s.
21
d.
9-41
£ s. d.
36340 12 7
s.
12
d.
7-66
£ 8. d.
1389 8 10
s. d.
11 2-76
242 15 11
7 12 5
2329 6 10
1977 6 4
0
0
0
0
0-83
0-03
7-99
6-78
166 18 8
6 5 3
1392 19 11
545 12 8
0
0
0
0
0-70
0-03
5-81
2-28
4 6 6
0 5 5
25 18 11
0 0-42
0 003
0 2-52
Price Lists : Printing ....
„ „ Postage
191 13 0
0
0-66
191 13 0
0
0-80
Printing and Stationery. .
4040 14 5
1
1-85
2373 19 5
0
9-91
48 8 11
0 4-7(>
Periodicals
97 14 10
12246 12 3
0
3
0-34
5-99
77 1 10
4122 15 10
0
1
0-32
5-21
12 0
425 12 7
0 Oil
Travelling
3 5*28
Stamps
2346 2 7
0
8-04
1800 5 3
0
7-51
46 13 2
0 4-53
Telegrams
65 11 11
0
0-23
54 16 11
0
0-23
....
Telephones ... . .
791 1 11
529 4 3
1525 2 2
0
0
0
2-71
1-82
5-23
479 1 5
402 14 1
1153 12 1
0
0
0
2-00
1-68
4-82
26 15 11
0 14 0
.35 14 2
0 2-60
Miscellaneous
0 0-07
Adverts, and Showcards..
0 3-46
"Wheatsheaf" Record ..
2858 3 11
0
9-80
2348 3 1
0
9-80
101 2 5
0 9-81
Rents, Rates, and Taxes..
Power, Water, Lighting,
and Heating
4287 19 1
1946 7 6
1
0
2-70
6-67
1359 3 10
1090 9 8
0
0
5-67
4-55
21 16 10
8 3 8
0 2-12
0 0-80
Exhibition and Congress..
292 19 1
0
1-00
191 15 3
0
0-80
Quarterly Meetings
353 13 6
0
1-21
299 14 3
0
1-25
10 13 2
0 1-03
Employes' Picnic
100 4 0
0
0-34
56 16 6
0
0-24
0 18 0
0 0-0^
Legal
92 0 3
222 15 7
5069 10 10
4888 6 8
435 7 3
1716 0 4
0
0
1
1
0
0
0-32
0-76
5-38
4-76
1-49
5-88
76 17 8
183 1 6
3254 3 2
2391 14 1
260 7 8
1003 0 7
0
0
1
0
0
0
0-82
0-75
1-58
9-98
1-09
4-19
0 0 6
7 16 11
72 10 8
574 17 4
5 6 2
3 6 9
" Annual," 1913
0 0-76
0 7-oa
Repairs, Renewals, &c. . .
National Health, &c.,
4 7-75
0 0-51
Insurance
0 0-32
Depreciation : Land
955 5 2
0
3-28
333 4 6
0
1-39
7 2 3
0 0-69
„ Buildings
6092 19 5
1
8-89
3036 3 7
1
0-67
19 13 4
0 i-91
„ Fixtures, &c..
2052 15 11
0
7-04
1198 1 9
0
5-00
30 11 0
0 2-96
Interest
23662 9 0
6
9-13
13604 19 5
4
8-78
263 9 11
2 1-55
Totals
157660 4 4
45
0-56
79796 5 5
27
902
3132 9 4
25 3-81
280
SALES FOR THE YEAR ENDED DEC. 27th, 191S^continued.
Xj G 1ST ID (D HT .
DRAPERY.
WOOLLENS AND
READY-MADES.
BOOTS AND SHOES.
FURNISHING.
£455,942.
«lft6.849.
£229,297.
£189,545.
Amonn. \^^^
Amoant
Rate per
£100.
Amoont.
Rate per
Amonnt.
Rate per
£100.
£ s. d. 8. d.
18144 15 4 79 Til
£ 8. d.
5480 8 7
s. d.
86 4-90
£ s. A
6712 5 7
8. d.
58 6-56
£ s. d.
8174 17 1
8. d.
86 Sr09
32 10 3 ' 0 1-71
10 16 8
0 2-05
15 3 5
0 1-59
13 0 5
0 1-65
0 9 11 ' 0 (MB
0 2 9
0 QrOS
0 4 11
0 008
0 4 2
0 0-03
359 15 7 1 6-94
134 18 4
2 1-53
239 17 0
2 110
175 17 1
110-27
543 7 3
2 4-60
817 2 10 i 12 10-60
22 3 3
0 2-32
49 0 4
0 6-21
707 11 U
8 1-25
287 3 0 1 4 6-83
307 2 6
....
2 8-15
316 8 8
3 4-07
6 15 8
0 0-36
8 14 8
0 0-71
5 5 3
0 0-55
3 15 10
0 0-48
3819 14 0 j 16 9H)6
1484 15 8
23 4-92
1160 15 5
10 1-50
1232 18 9
13 0-12
226 3 2 1 0 11-91
78 14 10 i 1 2-52
105 12 1
0 11-05
90 14 1
0 11-47
4 17 8 i 0 0-26
1 10 2 0 0-29
2 3 4
0 0-23
2 3 10
0 0-28
132 19 5 1 0 700
43 18 3 0 8-31
29 1 4
0 arOi
79 5 7
0 1004
56 19 2
0 8-00
14 8 7 0 2-73
26 14 2
0 2-79
27 14 3
0 3-51
120 2 8
0 6-32
29 3 7 0 5-52
152 10 0
1 3-96
33 19 8
0 4-30
186 7 10 ; 0 9-81
51 14 10 0 9-79
93 2 2
0 9-75
77 13 7
0 9-84
1359 1 3 j 5 11-54
311 9 9 14 10-93
518 12 3
4 6-28
717 15 2
7 6-88
342 13 10 1 1 6-04
113 16 0 1 9-53
198 14 8
1 8-80
192 9 8
2 0-37
52 3 2 0 2-75
19 18 3 0. 3-77
20 4 11
0 2-12
8 17 6
0 111
17 1 1 0 0-90
5 16 10 i 0 1-11
11 13 11
0 1-22
8 14 3
0 1-10
21 14 6 0 1-14
5 1 9 N 0-96
5 13 4
0 0-59
9 19 11
0 1-27
6 18 11 0 0-37
1 17 2 0 0-35
3 5 9
0 0-34
3 0 3
0 0-38
14 8 8 ! 0 0-75
4 2 0 , 0 0-77
7 5 3
0 076
6 13
0 OrTJ
815 9 0 I 3 6-92
243 3 10 3 10i)l
403 7 0
8 6-22
280 17 2
2 11-56
805 7 7 i 3 6-39
436 13 2 6 10-62
264 8 1
2 3-67
415 6 5
4 4-59
80 12 5 0 4-24
19 10 4 i 0 3-69
27 6 8
0 2-86
42 4 0
0 5-34
292 5 3 1 8-38
138 1 8 ' 2 213
149 2 4
1 8-61
130 3 9
1 4-49
•290 1 9 1 3-27
105 14 11 1 8-01
77 18 7
0 8-16
141 3 2
1 5-87
1-272 13 5 i 5 6-99
456 3 4
7 2-31
553 18 10
4 9-98
754 6 11
7 11-52
338 5 11 1 1 5-81
117 5 4
1 10-18
155 6 7
1 4-26
213 5 4
2 3-00
4552 10 7 19 11-64
1583 15 10
25 0-60
22S9 18 5
19 11-68
1362 14 10
14 4-55
34603 16 9 |l51 9-49
12004 2 11
189 3-20
13558 17 0
118 8-17
14564 12 11 Il53 8-16
281
The Scottish
Co-operative Wholesale
Society Limited.
PLATES, ADVERTISEMENTS,
STATISTICS, &<.,
Pages 283 to 397.
THE SCOTTISH
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY
LIMITED,
En/rolled 20th April, 1868, under the provisions of the Bidustrial atid Provident
Societies Act, 20th August, 1867, SO and 81 Vict., cap. 117, sec. 4.
Business Commenced) September 8tb, \S6S.
CENTRAL OFFICES AND FURNITURE WAREHOUSE :
MOEEISON STREET, GLASGOW.
GROCERY AND PROVISION WAREHOUSES:
PAISLEY EOAD, CEOOKSTON AND CLAEENCE STEEETS,
GLASGOW.
DRAPERY WAREHOUSE:
DUNDAS, WALLACE, AND PATEESON STEEETS, GLASGOW.
BOOT AND SHOE WAREHOUSE:
DUNDAS STEEET, GLASGOW.
SHIRT, BESPOKE CLOTHING, JUVENILE CLOTHING, AND
AERATED WATER FACTORIES:
PATEESON STEEET, GLASGOW.
MANTLE AND UMBRELLA FACTORIES
DUNDAS STEEET, GLASGOW.
HAM-CURING, SAUSAGE FACTORY, WATERPROOF FACTORY
CARTWRIGHT, AND SCALE REPAIR DEPARTMENTS:
PAEK STEEET, K.P., GLASGOW.
FACTORIES FOR BOOTS AND SHOES, CLOTHING, FURNITURE AND
BRUSHES, PRINTING, PRESERVES, CONFECTIONS, CHEMICALS,
COFFEE ESSENCE, TOBACCO, PICKLES, AND TINWARE:
SHIELDHALL, near GOVAN, GLASGOW.
284
Branches,
LINKS PLACE, LEITH.
GRANGE PLACE, KILMARNOCK.
SEAGATE, DUNDEE.
HENRY STREET, ENNISKILLEN, IRELAND.
FURNITURE WAREHOUSE, DRAPERY & BOOT SAMPLE
ROOM— CHAMBERS STREET, EDINBURGH.
CHANCELOT FLOUR MILLS— EDINBURGH.
JUNCTION FLOUR AND OATMEAL MILLS— LEITH.
REGENT FLOUR MILLS— GLASGOW.
SOAP WORKS— GRANGEMOUTH.
ETTRICK TWEED MILLS— SELKIRK.
HOSIERY FACTORY— LEITH.
DRESS SHIRT FACTORY AND LAUNDRY— PAISLEY.
FISH-CURING WORKS— ABERDEEN.
BLANKET MILLS— GALSTON.
Creameries :
IRELAND— ENNISKILLEN, BELNALECK, GOLA,
FLORENCE COURT, S. BRIDGE, GARDNER'S CROSS,
BLACKLION, GLENFARNE, MONEAH;
BLADNOCH and WHITHORN, WIGTOWNSHIRE, N.B.
CALDERWOOD ESTATE and RYELANDS MILK CENTRE,
LANARKSHIRE.
Bankers :
THE UNION BANK OF SCOTLAND LIMITED.
Head Offices :
GLASGOW : LONDON : EDINBURGH :
Ingkam Street, 62, Cornhill, E.G. George Street.
General Manager : Manager : Manager :
ARTHUR C. D. GAIRDNER. GEORGE J. SCOTT. WILLIAM GRAHAM.
285
General Committee.
President :
Mr. ROBERT STEWART, " Endrick," Percy Drive, Giffnock.
Secretary:
Mr. JOHN PEARSON, "Beechdale," Fenton Street, Alloa.
Directors:
Mr. PETER GLASSE 185, Byres Road, Glasgow.
Mr. THOMAS LITTLE 264, Scott Street, Galashiels.
Mr. WILLIAM R. ALLAN " Inchbank," Balhousie Street, Perth.
Mr. JAMES YOUNG 34, New Street, Musselburgh.
Mr. GEORGE THOMSON " Newfield," Stevenson Street, Kilmarnock.
Mr. ALEX. B. WEIR " Drhoma," Paisley Road, Barrhead.
Mr. C. W. MACPHERSON 80, Montpelier Park, Edinburgh.
Mr. T. B. STIRLING Yew Cottage, Middleton Street, Alexandria.
Mr. WM. GALLAGHER «' Loretto," Montgomery Street, Larkhall.
Mr. JOHN BARDNER 22, Netherton, Dunfermline.
Sub'Committees :
(1) Finance and Property —
Messrs. GLASSE, ALLAN, GALLAGHER, and THOMSON.
Gonveners: Mr, Gallagher (Finance). Mr. Glasse (Property).
(2) Grocery : Distributive and Productive —
Messrs. STEWART, LITTLE, BARDNER, and YOUNG.
Conveners: Mr. Bardner (Distributive). Mr. Stewart (Productive).
(3) Drapery and Furnishing : Distributive and Productive —
Messrs. STIRLING, PEARSON, MACPHERSON, and WEIR.
Gonveners : Mr. Macpheeson (Distributive). Mr. Stirling (Productive).
The President is ex officio a member of all Sub-Committees.
Auditors:
Mr. JNO. MILLEN, Rutherglen. | Mr. ROBT. J SMITH, C.A., Glasgow.
Mr. WM. H. JACK, F.S.A.A., Glasgow.
(Public Auditors under the Industrial and Provident Societies and
Friendly Societies Acts.)
286
Officers of the Society,
Accountant :
Mr. ROBERT MACINTOSH, Glasgow.
Cashier :
Mr. ALLAN GRAY, Glasgow.
Buyers, ^c. :
Grocery and Provisions Glasgow Mr. E. ROSS.
„ Mr. JOHN McDonald.
„ Mr. M. McCALLlBL
„ Mr. A. S. HUGGAN.
Leith Mr. PETER ROBERTSON.
], „ „ •. Mr. WILLIAM Mc.LAREN.
„ Mr. A. W. JOHNSTONE.
Kilmarnock ..Mr. DAVID CALDWELL.
Dundee Mr. JAMES WILKIE.
Potato Department Glasgow Mr. HUGH CAMPBELL.
Leith Mr. WM. DRUMMOND.
Cattle Glasgow Mr. WILLIAM DLTTCAN.
Provisions Enniskillen . .Mr. WILLIAM WHYTE.
Preserve Works Glasgow . . Mr. N. ANDERSON.
Chemical Department „ Mr. A. GEBBIE.
Tobacco Factory „ Mr. THOMAS HARKNESS.
Flour Mills— Chancelot and/ „ Mr. WM. F. STEWART.
Regent Oatmeal and Flour \ „ Mr. JAIVIES TIERNE Y.
Mill— Junction ( Edinburgh . .Mr. JOHN PAISLEY'.
Soap Works Grangemouth .Mr. J. A. PENNY.
Printing & Stationery Dept Glasgow Mr. DAVID CAMPBELL.
Drapery Department „ V Mr. DAVID GARDINER.
„ • Assistant.. „ Mr. J. Mc.GILCHRIST.
„ .. „ Mr. WM. ALLAN.
„ .^ ^ _, , f „ Mr. WILLIAM ^HLLER.
Furniture Department | ^^^.^^^^^ ^^^ THOMAS FEN WICK.
„ „ Edinburgh ..Mr. GEO. CARSON.
Tinware Glasgow Mr. J. H. TURNBULL.
,„■ ^ ( „ Mr. P. Mc.PARLANE.
Boot and Shoe Department . . | Assistant Mr. J. J. HORN.
Ettrick Tweed & Blanket Mills. .Selkirk Mr. J. H. OLDFIELD.
Building Department Glasgow Mr. WILLIAM MERCER.
EngineeriQg & Electrical Depts . . „ Mr. JAMES STEWART.
Carting Department „ Mr. JAJMES CALDWELL.
Coal Department „ Mr. T. BURTON.
Fish Curing Department Aberdeen Mr. W. C. STEPHEN.
Wheat Buying Depot Winnipeg > Mr. GEO. FISHER.
(Canada)'
Creameries Wigtownshire . .Mr. ROBERT GREEN.
Estate . Lanarkshire . . Mr. G. G. Y'OUNG.
287
Business Arrangements.
Registered Office :
MORRISON STREET, GLASGOW.
Branches :
LINKS PLACE, LEITH ; GRANGE PLACE, KILMARNOCK
SEAGATE, DUNDEE ;
HENRY STREET, ENNISKILLEN, IRELAND;
LEMAN STREET, LONDON. E.
Societies, to which our trade is strictly confined, desirous of opening a»
account with this Society, should forward a copy of their registered Rules
and latest balance sheet ; or, if but recently started, a statement showing the
number of members, value of shares, amount subscribed for and paid up,
weekly turnover expected, and the amount of credit allowed, if any, per
member in proportion to the capital paid up. Should these particulars be
considered satisfactory, goods will be supplied on the following terms : — The
maximum credit allowed is fourteen days, and interest is charged quarterlif
on all in excess of this allowance at the rate of 21^ per cent, per annum, but in
cases where the debt exceeds one month'' s purchases 5 per cent, is charged.
Interest at the rate of 2^ per cent, per annum is allowed on prepaid
accounts.
The Directors, by authority of the general meeting, are empowered to have
the books of societies examined whose accounts are overdue, and to take the
necessary steps to protect the other members of the federation.
Orders for goods should bear the price or brand of the article wanted, the
mode of transit, and name of station to which the goods are to be sent. Orders
for the different departments should be on separate slips. Goods not approved
of must be returned at once and intact. No claim for breakage, short weighty
&c., can be entertained unless made within six days after goods are received.
Delay in delivery should be at once advised,
288
Business Premises
OWNED BY
THE SCOTTISH
CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE
SOCIETY LIMITED.
"With Diagrams showing Progress of Society
since Commencement.
w 289
Scottish Co-operative Ulbolesale Societv
Limited.
First Central Premises owned by the Society.
^THE Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society
lyimited was registered in April 1868, and
commenced business during September of the
same year in rented premises in Madeira Court,
Argyle Street, Glasgow. During 1872 ground was
purchased at the junction of Morrison Street and
Paisley Road, and to the Warehouse erected there,
and shown on this page, the Society's business
was transferred in 1874. The whole of this
gusset-shaped piece of ground was acquired by
1882, and the Warehouses and Offices erected
thereon formed the Central Premises of the
Society, 119 Paisley Road, Glasgow, until the
Morrison Street Premises were occupied in 1897.
290
o
(A
a
O
o S
o
ho
Registered Office and Furniture Warehouse:
95 Morrison Street^ Glasgow.
T^HE block of buildings shown on the opposite
page forms, since 1897, the Central Premises
of the Scottish Wholesale. With its splendid
facade fronting Morrison Street, and occupying a
commanding situation close by the river Clyde,
this structure forms one of the most imposing
features of street architecture in the southern
part of Glasgow.
Here the Central Office, with its staff of over
two hundred and sixty clerks, is located. This
occupies the whole of the first floor, the ground
floor giving accommodation for the Board Room,
Committee Rooms, Grocery Managers' Rooms,
and also the Grocery Department Saleroom.
The basement and all the other floors in the
front building are fully occupied by the
Furniture and Furnishing Department Show-
rooms. Fronting Clarence Street — on the left
side of the drawing, and to the rear of the main
building — is a block extending through to
Crookston Street, on the right. The great bulk
of this space is devoted to warehouse accom-
modation for the Grocery Department, and here,
also, the spacious Clarence Street Hall belonging
to the Society is located.
293
Grocery and Provision Warehouse^ Stationery
Departmentt etc* :
Links Place, Leith.
NT INK years after the start of the Wholesale
in Glasgow, the I^eith Branch was opened
(in April 1877), primarily to faciUtate the handling
of Continental produce, but it was soon found
advisable to add a full stock of groceries. This
Branch has proved of great service and utility
in dealing with retail societies in the East of
Scotland.
Business developments soon forced it out of
the original rented premises in Constitution Place
lycith, and, ground having been secured at Links
Place in May 1879, the first portion of the
buildings here shown was erected by the Society.
At various dates extensive alterations and
additions have been made to the structure. In
addition to the Grocery Warehouse, a Stationery
Department, Aerated Water Factory (started 1898),
and a Ham-curing Department form valuable
adjuncts of this Branch of the Wholesale.
294
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Grocery and Provision Warehouse:
Grange Place, Kilmarnock.
1 ESS than a twelvemonth after the inauguration
of the Branch at Leith, it was decided to
open a Depot in Kilmarnock to deal with agri-
cultural produce of all kinds in Ayrshire and
surrounding coimties. In February 1878 this
Branch was opened, and its career, Uke that of
most other ventures of the Wholesale, has been
uniformly prosperous.
Intended originally as a store from whence
cheese, butter, eggs, etc., could be distributed to
retail societies to the orders of the various
Branches, this Depot also does a very extensive
trade in potatoes. These are planted imder the
supervision of the Department, or purchased in
the fields at agreed-on rates per acre, for the
direct supply of retail shops. A very large
business in cheese is also done.
297
Grocery and Provision Warehouse:
Seagate^ Dundee,
pOUR years elapsed from the foundation of the
Kilmarnock Depot before another Branch
of the Wholesale was started. This time the
impelling idea was to provide societies in the
North of Scotland with a convenient centre from
which to obtain supplies. Dundee was fixed on
as the most suitable place, and there, in premises
at the corner of Trades Lane, a Branch was
opened in 1881.
Until igo6 business was successfully conducted
in the building originally occupied, but in that
year a disastrous fire swept it entirely away, and
caused the Directors to find a site elsewhere.
Ground was soon afterwards purchased in Seagate,
Dundee, and the Warehouse shown opposite
erected and opened for business in July 1909.
298
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. Central Premises, Enniskillen Branchy
Ireland.
"T^HE growing quantities of Irish Tproduce
handled by the Wholesale led the Directors
at an early date to consider the advisability jof
-estabUshing a Bu\4ng Branch or Depot in
Ireland for collecting the produce of the north-
western districts. After careful investigation,
Enniskillen, directly communicating with London-
derry and Belfast by rail and thence with Glasgow
by an admirable service of steamers, was fixed on
as the most suitable centre. In premises rented
by the Society in that town a Branch was started
during May 1885, and its progress since has
justified the choice of location.
In addition to a thoroughly up-to-date Central
Creamery established in 1908, there are now
•eight Auxiliary Creameries belonging to the Society
within a range of tei;i miles of Enniskillen. The
names of these are Moneah, Gardner's Cross, Gola,
-S Bridge, Belnaleck, Blacklion, Glenfarne, and
Plorencecourt.
301
Drapery Warehouse^ Wallace Street^
Glasgow.
'^HB Drapery Department was started on 28th
December 1873, in a corner of the rented
premises first occupied by the Society in Madeira
Court, Argyle Street, Glasgow. The Warehouse
now occupied in Wallace vStreet, Dundas Street,
and Paterson Street, and shown on the opposite
page, gives a fair idea of its growth and develop-
ment during the intervening years.
The Warehouse at the present time is divided
into forty departments dealing with every known
variety of drapery goods. Heating, ventilating,
and sanitary arrangements are of the most
approved description, and from a hygienic stand-
point the Warehouse meets all that science at
present demands. This, with the admirable
planning of departments and the up-to-date
equipment, justifies its claim to premier position
among such establishments.
There are also attached to the Warehouse^
Mantle, Millinery, and Umbrella Workrooms,
while the alHed Productive Departments include
the Wool Shirt Factory, Waterproof Factory,
Juvenile Clothing Factory, Underclothing Factory,
and Bespoke Clothing Factory, Glasgow ; the
Ready-made Clothing Factory, Artisan Clothing
Factory, and Hosiery Factory, Shieldhall ; Ettrick
Tweed and Blanket Mills, Selkirk ; Ayrshire
Blanket Mill, Galston ; the Dress Shirt Factory
and Potterhill lyaundry. Paisley ; and Hosiery
Factory, Leith.
302
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Drapery Warehouse^ Wallace Street,
Glasgow.
(ANOTHER VIEW.)
*T^HE demand for increased space to meet the
steady growth of trade in Drapery goods
made it necessary- to enlarge the Warehouse,
and the extension in Paterson Street, which was
opened in June 1909, is shown on the extreme
right of the picture.
In the short period of three years it became
apparent that more accommodation must be
found, and a further addition, also in Paterson
Street, affording 20,832 square feet of extra
floorage, was opened in July of this 3^ear (1914).
A motor-car is seen near the main entrance in
Wallace Street.
305
Productive Factories^ Paterson Street,
Glasgow*
T^HESB buildings are given over solely to
production, and occupy the greater portion
of the west side of Paterson vStreet, between
Gloucester Street and Scotland Street. Here
accommodation is found for the manufacture of
aerated waters ; shirts ; underclothing ; juvenile
clothing ; and bespoke clothing. Originally two-
storied only, in 1908 another fiat was added ^
which has considerably increased the usefulness
of the buildings. A large extension, for Drapery
Production, is nearing completion.
306
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New Stationery Warehouse^
Morrison Street^ Glasgow^
IN the year 1882 the vStationery Department was
commenced in a small portion of the " gusset "
buildings, Morrison Street. As business increased
the Department was removed from time to
time, until, in the year 1910, the Directors
sought and obtained power to proceed with the
building depicted opposite. Situated near the
principal building in Morrison Street, the erection
was completed in September 191 1, and at once
proved of great service, being temporarily utilised
for the housing of the Furniture Departments
burnt out in the fire at Morrison Street, 3rd
September 191 1. Since January of 1913 the
Stationery Department has occupied the building,
which is equipped in every way to suit the trade.
A magnificent showroom runs the full length of
the first flat, the basement, main, and other floors
being utilised for stock and despatch purposes.
309
Furniture and Furnishing Showrooms:
Chambers Street, Edinburgh.
^pO meet the requirements of societies in the
East of Scotland, a branch of the Furniture
and Furnishing Department was opened in
premises secured during 1898 in Chambers Street,
Edinburgh. In these is stocked a full range of
goods similar to that in the Central Furnishing
Warehouse, Glasgow. The business rapidly
extended, and this led to the purchase of the
adjoining property of Minto House — the most
distant part of the structure. Transformed to
suit the requirements of the trade, the whole
building now forms a connected and spacious
Warehouse.
310
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S.C.W.S. Productive Works,
Shieldhall, Govan.
'"THE Shieldhall Works of the S.C.W.S. afford
a vivid and impressive illustration of the
growth of Productive Co-operation and the
inherent force of the Co-operative Movement in
Scotland.
Situated on the south side of the road, between
Glasgow and Renfrew, and about three miles
from the Society's Central Offices, it is claimed
for the remarkable hive of industr^^ now estab-
lished there that nowhere else in this country-,
or any other, are so many different industrial
operations carried on within one common gate-
way. The justice of this claim is apparent when
it is recollected that the production of the various
commodities is so highly specialised as to call
for the services of nearh^ one htmdred trades or
occupations. There are now sixteen Factories
in operation, employing over 4,000 persons, whose
yearly wages bill exceeds /i 9 1,000, and who
produce goods to the value of over £1,045,000
per annum.
In the planning of the Works, sanitation,
ventilation, and good health conditions have
alwaj'S been insisted on ; and these, combined
with the best labour conditions in the trades
represented, place the Shieldhall Works in a
position second to none in Scotland.
313
New Frontage and Printing Department,
Shieldhall.
nPHB illustration on the opposite page shows
the building which eventually will form
the street front for vShieldhall. The gateway
and side structures, with a large portion of the
west wing, are already completed ; the latter,
with the whole of the shaded portion to the right
of the picture, being occupied by the Printing
Department.
This important branch of the Wholesale's
industrial enterprises was established in 1887,
and transferred to Shieldhall two years later.
The Department has extended rapidly, and to
the original letterpress printing, bookbinding
and paper- ruling, paper-bagmaking, lithographing,
designing, stereo and electro tj^ping, machine type-
setting, and paper-boxmaking have been added
in the order given. All of these can be seen in
the complex establishment of to-day. The
forty-eight hour week has been in force since
1901, and at the present time (October 1914)
there are over 500 persons employed.
314
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Boot Factory, ShieldhalL
T^HE Boot Factory is the largest of all the
Shieldhall Departments and the first to be
«estabHshed there. Started originally in part of
what is now the Drapery Warehouse, Glasgow,
it has expanded with very great rapidity, and at
the present date (19 14) the average weekly
output is well over 15,000 pairs of all classes of
footwear. For the year 1913, 788,146 pairs were
manufactured.
Kver>^ kind of boots and shoes for men and
women, boys and girls, is now made, the quality
ranging from strong, heavy boots for pit or
workshop to the most elegant of footw^ear.
The supply of leather is drawn from all parts
of the world, that for pit boots coming from
India, box calf from the Continent generally,
black and tan glace kid chiefly from America.
For the last-named class of work alone some
82,000 goatskins are required annually. Altogether
nearly 200,000 hides are used up in the course of
a twelvemonth, apart from over 300 tons of sole
leather.
An auxiliary Factory, where special attention
is given to the manufacture of boys' and girls'
footwear and slippers, is situated in Adelphi
Street, Glasgow. Equipped with every modem
labour-saving appUance and machine, the Shield-
hall Boot Factor\^ is the finest and largest in
Scotland. At October 1914, 1,400 persons were
employed in the two factories.
317
Cabinet Factory^ ShieldhalL
AN Upholster}^ Department, inaugurated by the
Wholesale in 1882, and conducted for a
time under the aegis of the Drapery Department,
was the beginning of the furniture trade now
done. In 1884 a Cabinet-making Workshop was
opened in Houston vStreet, Glasgow : and here,,
with a complement of six persons, the making:
of furniture was begun.
In March 1888 the scene of operations was-
removed to Shieldhall, to the first part of the
existing Factory, which, by addition after addition
to meet the growing demands of the trade, has
reached the dimensions of the building shown
in the illustration. It ranks among the largest
of its kind in Scotland, and structural alterations
now being effected will place it in the forefront
of such establishments. It has a floor space of
over two acres, a complete electric installation
for power and light, the May-Oatway fire-alarm
system throughout, and is replete with the latest
appliances for facilitating production.
The furniture turned out from this Factory,
which includes every article required for house,
office, or boardroom, has earned a name for
soundness of construction and beauty of design,
and received the well-merited distinction of a
Diploma of Honour for work exhibited at Glasgow
International Exhibition during 1901. In the
Scottish Historical Exhibition, held in Glasgow
during 191 1, the magnificent group of cases and
furniture shown by the S.C.W.S. was entirely
produced by the Cabinet Factory, Shieldhall.
318
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Dining-Rooms and Ready-made Clothing
Factory, ShieldhalL
i
'T^HE higher part of the buildings shown here
is occupied by the Dining and Recreation
Rooms. On the ground floor are two large
Halls, supplied with newspapers, periodicals, and
■other means of recreation. On the other floors
Directors' and Managers' Dining Rooms and
Halls for the use of over 4,000 workers
employed at Shieldhall are situated. Meals can
be obtained there at rates just sufficient to cover
cost of food and expenses of service, and these
faciHties are largely taken advantage of.
The Ready-made Clothing Factory occupies the
long range of building to the rear of the Dining
Halls, and is the present-day representative of
the first Clothing Factory of the Wholesale.
This was started in 188 1 in Dundas Street,
Clasgow ; was removed to Wallace Street,
Clasgow, soon after ; and from thence to Shield-
liall. All kinds of ready-made clothing for men,
youths, and boys are made up here, immense
quantities being turned out in the course of a
year. Every appliance for facilitating work has
been installed, and this Factory to-day will hold
its own for arrangement and equipment with the
best in the countrv.
321
Chancelot Roller Flour Mills,
Edinburgh.
r\IFFBRING from all other ventures of the
Wholesale in the magnitude of the original
undertaking, Chancelot Roller Flour Mills repre-
sent the boldest step yet taken by the Society
in Co-operative Production. The nature of the
work to be undertaken precluded the possibility
of starting in a small way ; and it was only
after mature deliberation that the Directors
entered on the scheme, of which the building
shown on the opposite page is the outcome.
A feu of fully three acres having been secured in
Bonnington Road, Edinburgh, it was decided to
erect thereon a group of mills, the output of
which would, at least, approximate to the
demand likely to be made on them.
The opening ceremony took place in August
1894, and the opinion was freely expressed that
these Mills were the finest of their kind in this
or any other country. From the start the Mills
have been entirely successful. They are now
fully e'quipped with the most improved milling
machinery, and have been kept running night
and day to meet the great demands made on
their productions.
322
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Junction Meal and Flour Mills,
Leith.
'T^HE product of Chancelot Mills met with
such a favourable reception that it became
necessary- to devise some plan for rapidly
augmenting suppUes. The Directors therefore
gave their attention to the problem, a solution
for which was found by the purchase of
Junction Meal and Flour ^lills, Leith, in August
1897. These important Mills are in the immediate
vicinit}^ of Chancelot Mills, and as an investment
they have proved both satisfactory and profitable.
Since acquiring these Mills, and to cope with
the demand for Scotland's staple food, the
Oatmeal Mill has been entirely remodelled and
extended. About 1,200 sacks of flour are pro-
duced per week, and the milling of pod barle^^
is also carried on.
325
Regent Roller Flour Mills^
Glasgow.
'T^HB demand made on the products of the two
Mills already mentioned justified the existence
of another, and the question of building or acquir-
ing one was immediately taken up. As a result,
arrangements were made with Messrs John Ure
-& Son, the proprietors, and in November 1903,
Regent Mills, Glasgow, were purchased from that
firm by the Society, and business began in the
following year.
Situated on the banks of the classic Kelvin,
the story of these Mills runs back to medieval
times. For three and a half centuries the old
Regent Mills were in possession of the Bakers'
Incorporation of Glasgow, but being burned down,
in 1886 they passed into the hands of the Messrs
Ure, by whom they were entirely rebuilt and
enlarged to something like their present dimensions.
Being in good order, production commenced
immediately the transfer was completed. Various
alterations and additions have since been made,
and the Mills now rank among the best equipped
in the country.
The total productive capacity of the three Mills
•owned by the Society exceeds 12,300 sacks per
^week, or over 640,000 sacks per working year.
326
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Grain Elevators, Winnipeg,
Canada.
AS may be understood, the amount of grain
necessary to keep three Mills with the
working capacity of those just described in full
operation is very large. This fact soon led the
Directors to consider the question of arranging
to purchase the raw material as near the first
source as possible, and, as a resiilt, a buyer was
appointed in 1906 and an office taken in Winnipeg,
Canada, the capital of the vast wheat-growing
regions of that Colony.
From its inception the step has proved satis-
factor>\ Thirteen large Elevators, each capable
of storing 30,000 bushels of wheat, have been
erected at a cost of over £1,000 each ; and other
two are now (1914) in course of construction.
From these the grain is forwarded as required
to the Terminal Elevators at Port Arthur and
Fort WilHam, and shipped from thence to this
country via Montreal when the St lyawrence is
open, or from ports on the Atlantic seaboard
during the winter season
329
Ettrick Tweed and Blanket Mills,
Selkirk.
A FTER being carried on for some years by the
Scotch Tweed Manufacturing Society, the
shareholders unanimously agreed to the transfer
of the business to the Wholesale Society. Details
of the bargain having been settled and matters
amicably arranged, these extensive Mills became
the property of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale
Society in 1895.
vSince then the Society has cleared the Mills
of all old types of looms or machinery, and
substituted in their place the most up-to-date
appliances. The result has been evident in the
reputation rapidly attained among Co-operative
societies by the products of the Mills, Ettrick
tweeds and blankets being held in high esteem
throughout Co-operative Scotland. Quite recently,
for the making of all classes of hosiery yarns,
spinning machinery of the latest type was
introduced, and a large proportion of the yarns
used in the S.C.W.S. Hosiery Factory is procured
from these Mills.
330
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Soap Works, Grangemouth.
pARLY in 1896 the Directors decided to include
the industr>^ of soapmaking within the scheme
of the Society's operations, and, suitable ground
having been secured, the buildings shown on the
opposite page were erected, and work commenced
at Grangemouth Soap Works in October 1897.
The keen competition in this trade, the
prejudice in favour of other soaps, and the
difficulty of producing an article which would
prove generally popular, seriously hampered the
progress of this Department in its earUer years.
Gradually, however, the productions rose in general
esteem, until at the present time a very high
percentage of retail societies' trade goes to
Grangemouth. Apart from the ordinar}^ soaps
and cleansing preparations for household use,
high-class toilet soaps now form an important
branch of the manufactures. Extensive alterations
and additions have been made at various times,
and the Soap Works, equipped with the latest
machiner}^ and appliances, are in every respect
thoroughly up to date.
333
Hosiery Factory^ Leith.
(OLD DRESS SHIRT FACTORY.)
T^HE building (shown opposite) was erected
for the manufacture of dress shirts — on a
portion of the ground acquired with Junction
Mill — ^work being commenced in December 1901.
In order to avoid smoky atmosphere, and
obtain an abundant supply of water, the Laundry
connected with the Factory was removed to
Barrhead in 1904, and again, in 1909, to more
suitable premises at Paisley. In the year 1912 it
was decided to transfer the Factory also to that
town, and the productions are now being manu-
factured and finished under one roof at Potterhill,
Paisley.
The building has since been fitted for the
manufacture of hose and half-hose, which
formerly were made at the Hosiery Factory
Shieldhall.
334
Creamery and Margarine Factory,
Bladnoch, Wigtownshire.
'T^O cope with the demand for supplies of fresh
butter, and also with a \dew to the manu-
facturing of margarine,the Creamery and Margarine
Factory here shown was erected at Bladnoch,
Wigtownshire, during 1899. At a later date an
Auxiliary Creamery, situated at Whithorn in the
same shire, was opened. Placed in the midst of
a purely agricultural district, where the desirable
adjuncts of clear atmosphere and absence of dust
or smoke help the purity of the products, these
Creameries have proved very successful.
Complete electrical installations have been fitted
up, and the machinery is of the latest type.
Consignments of the productions are forwarded
direct to societies daily, as ordered. Extensive
Piggeries have also been estabHshed.
337
Fish-Curing Works, Aberdeen.
'T^HB growing trade in fresh and cured fish led
the Directors of the S.C.W.S. to consider the
advisabiHty of undertaking this industry, and, in
1899, Fish-Curing Works were started at Aberdeen,
the largest fishing centre on the Hast Coast of
Scotland. The original rented premises were soon
found inadequate for the requirements of the
Department, and, later, ground was leased from
the Aberdeen Harbour Trust and the buildings
shown on the opposite page erected.
From this Depot boats are engaged at
Scalloway, I^erwick, and other ports, and the
catch of these goes direct to the Curing Works.
In addition to this, large purchases of fish are
made daily at the public market. These are
immediately transferred to the Wholesale's
premises, cleaned, sorted, packed, and sent off
so expeditiously as to be on sale in retail societies'
shops all over Scotland the following morning.
A very successful trade is now done, over 2,600
tons of fish being dealt with annually.
The rendering of cod liver oil is now assuming
considerable importance, and at the Works a
thoroughly up-to-date plant for this purpose has
been fitted up. The oil thus extracted is taken
up by the Society's Chemical Department, and,
after being treated there, is sent out to societies
in the form of emulsion.
338
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Dress Shirt Factory and Laundry,
Potterhill, Paisley.
T^HIS industry was commenced in October
1901, at Leith, in a building erected for
the purpose, on a site acquired with Junction
Mill. A pure atmosphere and abundant water
supply being necessary for the finishing of white
goods, the Laundry was removed to Barrhead
in 1904. In 1909 more suitable premises, known
as Stonefield Mills, Potterhill, Paisley, were
purchased, and the lyaundry was removed there.
Three years later (1912) the Factory was also
brought from Leith, and now the goods — dress
shirts, collars, and fronts — are manufactured and
finished in the building shown opposite.
While managed and financed by the S.C.W.S.
Ltd., the Department is worked under an
arrangement with the C.W.S. Ltd., Manchester,
whereby profits or losses are allocated to each in
proportion to purchases. It is understood that
ever>^ possible support be given by the latter,
and this has been loyally adhered to.
The vacated building in Leith is now occupied
as an additional Factorj^ for the manufacture of
hose and half-hose.
341
Calderwood Castle and Estate^
Lanarkshire.
ID Y virtue of powers entrusted to the Directors
to acquire in Scotland (or in Ireland) such
estates or lands as would be available for fruit-
growing and general agriculture, the rich and
beautiful estate of Calderwood, lying about eight
miles east of Glasgow, passed in 1904 into
possession of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale
Society.
The Estate extends to 1,113 acres, and includes
the village of Maxwellton. About half of it is
let as farms, and of the remainder 350 acres have
already been devoted by the Society to farming
and the cultivation of fruit, vegetables, flowers,
and plants. One and a half acres have been laid
out for the rearing of tomatoes under glass ;
and a rhubarb-house covering half an acre has
been erected for growing the early or forced
variety of that plant.
Self-contained cottages have been erected by
the Society near the village of Maxwellton, and
the capability of the Estate generally is receiving
the careful attention of the Directors.
342
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359
[sf>e:ciivibn.]
WEEKLY STATEMENT OF ACCOUNT.
9th Week. Ledger Folio, 929.
163rd Quarter. 95, Morrison Street,
GLASGOW, May 29th, 1909.
The A. B. C. Co-operative Society Limited.
® i\ SPo Tie Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited. Cr.
GOODS. 1
CASH AND CREDITS.
n-t* ' Amouutof
"*'*• each Invoice.
Balance last >
Stotement.
Diite. Cash. Credit.
1 1
Totals.
£ s. d. ! £ s. d. ;
j £ s. d. £ s. d. '
£ s. d.
298 7 2
May 21....!
0 4 3 i
May 24 . . i .... 050
....
„ 24....
18 11 7 :
» 24.. .
10 0
„ 24....
29 0 8 ;
,, 25..! .
0 12 9
„ 24....
32 4 0
„ 25. .1 .
0 12 10
„ 24....
0 17 7
„ 26..
0 5 6
„ 24....
4 10 0
„ 26..
0 10
„ 24....
4 4 0
„ 26..
13 6
„ 24....
3 2 6
„ 26..
2 7 0
„ 25....
0 6 6
„ 26..:
0 12 9
„ 25....
0 8 3
„ 26.. i
0 12 9
„ 25....
0 10 10
„ 27..
0 14 9
„ 25....
0 8 3
„ 27..
0 10 0
„ 25....
15 0
„ 27..
0 15 6
„ 25....
0 10 11
„ 27..
10 11 1
„ 25
59 16 9 ,
„ 27.. 1
0 15 6
„ 25....
0 11 3
„ 27..
1 12 0
„ 25....
„ 26
7 3 5
2 10 6
22 11 11
298 7 2
„ 28.. 298 7 2
„ 2G....
4 17 6
„ 26....
0 15 2 1
„ 27...
0 6 6
j
„ 27....
0 9 2
„ 27....
17 10 0
„ 27....
0 18 0
„ 27....
3 10 6
„ 27....
5 13 8
„ 27....
12 11 1
!
„ 27....
4 18 7
*.!!!
1
„ 28....
5 3 6
'
„ 28....
0 12 9
„ 28....
0 1 10
„ 28....
2 14 9
„ 28....
18 6
„ 28....
27 12 8
255 10 5
To balance
By balance
£
232 18 6
1 653 17 7
I
553 17 7
If the above Statement dijfers from ymir Books, we shall be glad if you
will point out the difference at once.
BB
361
Terms of Membership.
EXCEEPT FEOM SOCIETY'S EULES.
Admission of Members and Application for Shares.
The Society shall consist of such Co-operative Societies registered under
the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, or any employ^ of this Society
who is over twenty-one years of age, as have been admitted by the
Committee, subject to the approval of a general meeting of the Society; but
no society trafficking in intoxicating liquors shall be eligible for membership
in the Society, and each admission must be entered in the minute book
of the Society. Every application for membership, except in the case of
employes, must be sanctioned by a resolution of a general meeting of any
society making such application, and the same must be made in the form as
on next page, said form to be duly attested by the signature of the president,
secretary, and three of the members thereof, and stamped with such society's
seal. Every society making application shall state the number of its members,
and take up not less than one share for each member, and shall increase the
number annually as its members increase, in accordance with its last return to
the Registrar ; but no member other than a society registered under the
Industrial and Provident Societies Act shall hold an interest ^ in the
funds exceeding £50. It shall be in the option of any society to apply for
shares in excess of their individual membership at any time ; such applications
shall be signed by the president, secretary, and three members of committee,
but the granting of such excess shares shall be at the discretion of the
Committee of this Society.
Any employe applying for membership must apply for not less than five
shares.
Capital : How Paid Up.
The capital of the Society shall be raised in shares of twenty shillings
each, which shall be transferable only; every member — society or employ^ — on
admission, shall pay the sum of not less than one shilling on each share taken
up, and the unpaid portion of the shares may be paid by dividends, or bonus,
and interest ; but any member may pay up shares in full or in part at any
time.
362
Application Form.
Whereas, by a resolution of the Co-operative
Society Limited, passed at a general meeting held on the.. .. day
of it was resolved to take up shares (being
(me share of twenty shillings for each member), said shares being
transferable, in tlie Sizailish (JDo-ffperatibe Wi\ioltsB\z S^aciti^
%ivxiUh, and to accept tJie same on the terms and conditions
specified in the Rules. Executed under the seal of th6 society on
the. . . .day of Attested by
y Three Members.
BENEFITS DEEIVED FEOM MEMBEESHIP.
(a) The liability of the member is limited, each member being only
responsible for the value of the shares held.
(6) Members receive double the rate of dividend on purchases paid to non-
members.
(c) Share capital is paid 5 per cent, per annum.
{d) Members have a share in the management of the Wholesale in pro-
portion to the amount of goods bought, as each society has one vote in right
of membership, one for the first £1,500 worth of goods bought, and one other
additional vote for every complete £3,000 of purchases thereafter.
These advantages, added to the special benefits secured by the leading
position of the Wholesale, will, we trust, induce societies as yet non-members
to carefully reconsider the question, and take the necessary steps to secure to
their members the full benefits of co-operative distribution.
COEEESPONDENCE.
All letters must be addressed to the Society, and not to individuals.
Addressed envelopes are supplied at cost price. Separate slips ought to be
used for the different departments — the Accountant's, Grocery and Provision,
Drapery, Boot and Shoe, Furniture. The slips can all be enclosed in the one
envelope. Attention to this simple rule will greatly facilitate the despatch of
goods and ensure promptitude in answering inquiries ; it will also aid in the
classification of the letters for reference in any case of irregularity or dispute.
363
Cash Remittance.
Cheques must be made payable to the Society.
LIST OF BRANCHES OF THE UNION BANK OF
SCOTLAND LIMITED.
Head Offices:
-Glasgow, Ingram Street; Edinburgh, George Street.
London Office: — 62, Cornhill, E.G.
Aberdeen, Castle Street.
„ Fishmarket.
„ George Street.
„ Holburn.
„ Torry.
West End.
Aberfeldy.
Aberlour, Strathspey.
Alloa.
Alva.
Ardrishaig.
Ardrossan.
Auchterarder.
Auchtermuchty.
Ayr.
Ballater.
Banchory.
Banff.
Barrhead.
Barrhill.
Bathgate.
Beith.
Blair-Atholl (sub to Pitlochry).
Blairgowrie.
Bo'ness.
Braemar.
Brechin.
Bridge of Allan.
Buckie, Banffshire.
Campbeltown.
Castle-Douglas.
Clydebank.
Coatbridge.
Coupar-Angus.
Crieff.
Cullen.
Dalbeattie.
Dairy, Galloway.
Darvel (sub to Galston).
Doune.
Dumbarton.
Dumfries.
Dunblane.
Dundee.
Dunfermline.
Dunkeld.
Dunning.
Dunoon.
Edinburgh, Blackball.
„ Chambers Street.
„ Golden Acre.
„ Gorgie Markets
(open on Tuesdays
and Wednesdays-
sub to Haymarket).
„ Haymarket.
„ Hunter Square.
„ Lothian Road.
BRANCHES:
Edinburgh, Morningside.
Muirayfield.
Newington,
North Merchiston.
Norton Park.
Piershill.
S'th Morningside.
Edzell.
Elgin.
Ellon.
Errol.
Fochabers.
Forfar.
Fraserburgh.
Galston.
Gatehouse.
Girvan.
Glasgow, Anderston.
Battlefield.
Bridgeton Cross.
Buchanan Street.
Charing Cross.
Cowcaddens.
Dennistoun.
Eglinton Street.
Gov an.
Hillhead.
Hope Street.
Hyndland.
Kinning Park.
Maryhill.
Partick.
Polloksshaws East.
St. Vincent Street.
Shawlands.
Shettleston.
Springburn.
StockweJl.
Tollcross.
Tradeston.
Trongate.
Union Street.
Glencraig, Fife (open on Mon-
days, Wednesdays, and Satur-
days-sub to Lochgelly).
Gourock.
Greenock.
Hamilton.
Helensburgh.
Huntly.
Inveraray.
Inverness.
Inverurie.
Irvine.
Johnstone.
Keith.
Killin.
Kilmarnock.
Kilmarnock, Riccarton.
Kincardine.
Kirkcaldy.
Kirkwall.
Kirriemuir.
Ladybank.
Largs.
I Larkhall.
Leith.
I „ Leith Walk.
Lerwick.
Leslie.
Lochgelly, Fifeshire.
Lochgilphead.
Macduff.
Maybole.
Mearns (sub to Barrhead).
Millport.
Moffat.
Moniaive.
Motherwell.
New Aberdour (open on Mon-
days and Fridays — sub to
Rosehearty).
New Pitsligo.
Paisley.
,, Wellmeadow.
Perth.
Peterhead.
Pitlochry.
Port-Glasgow.
Portknockie, Banffshire.
Portsoy.
Renfrew.
Rosehearty.
St. Margaret's Hope, Orkney.
Scalloway, Shetland (sub to
Lerwick).
Stewarton.
Stirling.
Stonehouse.
Strachur, Lochfyne (open on
Thursdays-sub to Inveraray).
Stranraer.
Strathaven.
Stromness.
Stronsay (open during fishing
season -sub to Kirkwall).
Tarbert, Lochfyne.
Tarland.
Thornhill.
Thornton, Fife (open on Mon-
days and Market Days — sub
to Kirkcaldy).
Tillicoultry.
Troon.
Turriff.
Wick.
364
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h9
II
892
EMPLOYES.
NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, JUNE 27th, 1914.
Distributive Departments.
General Office Glasgow
Grocery „
Stationery „
Potato (not including Field Staff) „
Cattle Buying „
Coal
Drapery (Mantle and Millinery Workrooms included) „
Boot
Furniture „
Carting and Fodder „
Waste ,
Cleaners „
Miscellaneous „
Dining-room „
ShieldhaU
Leith — Warehouse
„ Carting Department
Kilmarnock
Dundee
Enniskillen and Creameries
Edinburgh — Chambers Street
Greenock — Sugar Forwarding
London — Drapery Office
Canada (Winnipeg) — Wheat Buying
, , Elevators
Betail Branch Elgin
»> ») Buckie
» » West Barns
Collective
Totals.
293
186
23
7
7
6
521
131
183
258
17
20
9
24
14
1,699
114
72
35
7
102
38
1
3
3
11
386
24
Productive Departments.
Boot Factory, Currying, &c Shieldhall 1,104
Parkview Glasgow 250
Clothing Factory, Ready-made Shieldhall 442
„ Bespoke and Caps Glasgow 290
Juvenile „ 124
Artisan ShieldhaU 207
„ Underclothing Glasgow 148
WooUen Shirts „ 180
„ Dress Shirts Potterhill 249
Laundry „ 84
Hosiery ShieldhaU 161
)j n Leith 95
„ Mantle Glasgow 64
„ Waterproof 56
„ Hat (Silk) , 9
„ Umbrella „ 10
Carried forward
893
3,473
5,582
NUMBEE OF EMPLOYES, JUNE 27th, 1914.
Productive Departments — continued. Collective
Totals.
Brought forward 5,582
Saddlery Glasgow 12
„ Leith 1
Horse Shoeing Glasgow 5
„ „ Leith 2
Cartwright Glasgow 3i
,, Leith 7
Motor Engineering Glasgow 13
Engineering Shieldhall 76
Electrical Glasgow 40
Tinware Shieldhall 108
Scale Bepair Glasgow 17
Cabinet Shieldhall 274
Brush „ 46
Printing „ 491
Tobacco „ 193
Preserve ,, 234
Confection ,, 101
Coffee Essence ,, 59
Pickle „ 36
Chemical „ 264
Miscellaneous ,, 14
Sausage Glasgow 23
Ham Curing „ 21
„ „ Leith 12
Aerated Water Glasgow 98
„ „ Leith 10
„ Stirling 12
,, ,, Dunfermline 13
Chancelot Flour Mills Edinburgh 97
Junction „ „ Leith 50
Regent „ „ Glasgow 97
Ettrick Tweed „ Selkirk 170
Ayrshire Blanket „ Galston 46
Soap Works Grangemouth 123 ;
Fish Curing Aberdeen 75 '
Creameries — Bladnoch and Whithorn • Wigtownshire 84
Farm — Carntyne Lanarkshire 1
Estate — Calderwood „ 48 \
Milk Centre — Ryelands „ 8 <
3,015 i
Building Department. • ^
Tradesmen 349
Management 12
361
Total 8,958
394
BONUS TO LABOUR.
The paymeDt of bonus, since its institution in 1870, has taken three
different forms. Till 1884 employes received, on wages earned, double tl^e
rate per £ allocated as dividend on members' purchases. This arrangement
was then replaced by one which set aside the double claim of the employ^,
and, recognising a difference between workers in the distributive and produc-
tive departments, established a differential rate. The distributive employes
received the same rate of bonus as was the rate of dividend on members'
purchases, and the rate of bonus to productive workers was determined by the
net aggregate profit made in the manufacturing departments only. This
arrangement continued till 189^, when the system of bonus payment was
again revised. Hitherto the whole bonus allocated had been paid over ; but
the present system, which allows a uniform rate to both distributive and
productive departments, requires that one-half of each worker's bonus be
retained and put to his credit, forming a special fund, called the Bonus Fund.
This capital bears interest at the rate of 4 per cent, per annum, and is not
withdrawable until the expiry of three months after leaving the service of the
Society, unless with the consent of the Committee.
EMPLOYE-SHABEHOIiDEBS.
Simultaneously with the introduction of the present scheme of bonus,
arrangements were made to permit of employes becoming shareholders in
the Society. The number of shares held by one individual may range from
five to fifty of twenty shillings each, and the paid-up capital bears interest at
the rate of 5 per cent, per annum. By the rules of the Society, the share-
holding employes are entitled to send one representative to the quarterly
meeting, and one additional for every 150 employes who become shareholders.
At the present time there are 593 shareholders, which permits of a repre-
sentation of four at the business meetings of the Society.
The statements following show the amount of bonus paid each year since
1870, and the total amount thus paid to employes, also the Bonus Fund and
the Employe-Shareholders' Fund at June 27th, 1914.
395
Bonus to Labour.
First Bonus Scheme.
Amount.
£ s. d.
Average
Bate per £.
s. d.
Quarter ending November 19, 1870 .
Year
5 11 0 0 8
40 10 0 0 lOJ
52 7 0 0 9^
90 1 8 0 9^
... 0 8 J
18, 1871
16, 1872
15,1873
14,1874 116 9 0
13,1875 109 15 4 0 8
4,1876 108 13 4 0 8
3,1877 12110 0 0 8
2,1878 147 17 0 0 8
2,1879 203 3 0 0 9^
October 30,1880..... 322 9 3 1 1
November 5,1881 368 3 8 1 0
4,1882 453 9 1 Oil
3,1883 542 3 0 0 llj
1,1884 484 2 6 0 9J
Second Bonus Scheme.
Year ending
Distributive
Amount.
Rate
per £.
Productive
Amount.
Rate
per £.
£
s. d.
s.
d.
£ s.
d.
8. d.
October 31, 1885 ...
483
13 1 ....
0
61 ..
—
—
December 25, 1886 ....
873
0 6 ....
0
6i ..
—
—
31,1887 ...
603
0 2 ....
0
61 ..
.. 315 2
1
0 4
29,1888 ..
683
12 1 ....
0
6i ..
. . 628 11
7 ...
0 7
28,1889 ...
833
16 10 ... .
0
6i ..
.. 1,016 14
10 ...
0 8^
27, 1890 . . .
1,139
6 10 ... .
0
7 ..
.. 1,762 10
6 ...
0 11
26,1891 ...
. 1,208
9 3 ....
0
61 ..
. . 1,802 14
9 ...
0 9
31,1892 ...
. 1,813
8 3 ...
396
0
6^ ..
. . 2,320 11
4 ...
0 9
Bonus to Labour.
Present Bonus Scheme.
£ a. d.
Year ending December 30, 1893 3,775 15 0
29, 1894 3,563 18 9
28, 1895 4,634 14 0
26, 1896 5,965 17 9
25, 1897 7,431 8 8
31, 1898 7,017 2 6
30, 1899 8,943 12 0
29, 1900 9,938 10 8
28,1901 10,502 8 8
27,1902 11,136 0 0
26, 1903 11,832 11 9
31, 1904 12,476 12 8
30,1905 12,418 15 7
29, 1906 12,849 4 8
28,1907 13,407 14 7
26,1908 14,276 19 10
25,1909..... 13,892 9 0
31,1910 14,366 9 4
30,1911 15,433 3 3
28,1912 15,340 13 4
27,1913 16,583 0 0
Half Year ending June 27, 1914 8,744 10 8
Total amount paid as bonus to June 27th, 1914 £253,172 10 1
Amount of Bonus Fund at June 27th, 1914 75,942 10 5
Employe-Shareholders' Fund at June 27th, 1914 — 593 employes holding
18,339 shares, with £16,433 paid up.
Rate
per £.
8. d.
0
6i
0
6
0
^
0
71
0
8
0
7
0
8
0
8
0
8
...... 0
8
0
8
0
8
0
8
0
8
0
8
0
8
0
8
0
8
0
^
0
8
0
8
0
8
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413
THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION LIMITED.
Head Offices :
HOLYOAKE HOUSE, HANOVER STREET, MANCHESTER.
General Secretary: Mr. A. WHITEHEAD.
Branch Offices :
GLASGOW: 263, WALLACE STREET, KINGSTON.
Sectional Secretary : Mr. Jas. Deans.
LONDON: 99, LEMAN STREET, E.
Sectional Secretary : Mr. B. Williams.
NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE : 84, WESTMORLAND ROAD.
Sectional Secretary : Mr. W. Clayton.
WHAT IS THE CO-OPERATIVE UNION?
TT is an institution charged with the duty of keeping alive and diffusing a
•^ knowledge of the principles which form the life of the Co-operative move-
ment, and giving to its active members, by advice and instruction — literary,
legal, or commercial — the help they may require, that they may be better able
to discharge the important work they have to do.
WHAT HAS IT DONE?
The greater part of the legal advantages enjoyed by Co-operators originated in
the action of the Central Board of the Union, and the Central Committee which
it succeeded. They may be summarised as follows : —
(1) The right to deal with the public instead of their own members only.
(2) The incorporation of the Societies, by which they have acquired the right
of holding in their own name lands or buildings and property generally,
and of suing and being sued in their own names, instead of being driven
to employ trustees.
(3) The power to hold £200 instead of £100 by individual members of our
Societies.
(4) The limitation of the liability of members for the debts of the Society to
the sum unpaid upon the shares standing to their credit.
(5) The exemption of Societies from charge to income tax on the profits of
their business, under the condition that the number of their shares
shall not be limited.
(6) The authorising one Registered Society to hold shares in its own corporate
name to any amount in the capital of another Registered Society.
414
The Co-operative Union Limited. .
(7) The extension of the power of mombers of Societies to bequeath shares by
nomination in a book, without the formality of a will or the necessity
of appointing executors, first from £30 to £50, and now to £100, by the
Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, which also makes this
power apply to loans and deposits as well as to shares.
(8) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1871, which enables Societies
to hold and deal with land freely.
(9) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1876, which consolidated into
one Act the laws relating to these Societies, and, among many smaller
advantages too numerous to be mentioned in detail, gave them the right
of carrying on banking business whenever they offer to the depositors
the security of transferable share capital.
(10) The Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893 and 1913.
The Union consists of Industrial and Provident Societies, Joint-Stock
Companies, and other bodies corporate.
No Society is admitted into Union unless its management is of a representative
character, nor unless it agree —
(1) To accept the statement of principles in the rules of the Union as the rules
by which it shall be guided in all its own business transactions.
(2) To contribute to the funds of the Union the annual payment
following : —
A contribution at the rate of I^d. in respect to each member of each
such Society, and calculated according to the number of
members returned by each Society in its last Annual Return
to the Registrar.
The financial year commences on January 1st in each year, and ends on
December 31st following.
N.B. — Secretaries forwarding Cheques on account of the Union are requested
to make them payable to the Co-operative Union Limited; Money Orders to
N. H. Cooper, Cashier.
SUMMAEY OF THE LAW EELATING TO SOCIETIES
UNDER THE
INDUSTRIAL AND PROVIDENT SOCIETIES ACT, 1893.
I. Tlie Formation of Societies —
1. Application must be made to the Registrar of Friendly Societies, in
London, Edinburgh, or Dublin, according to the case, on a form supplied
by the office, signed by seven persons and the secretary, accompanied by two
copies of the rules, signed by the same persons.
2. These rules must provide for twenty matters stated on the form of
application.
415
. The Co-operative Union Liinited.
N.B. — Model rules on these twenty matters can be obtained from the
Registrar's office ; and the Co-operative Union Limited, Holyoake House,
Hanovbe Street, Manchester, publishes, at the cost of IJd. a copy, general
rules, approved of by the Chief Registrar, providing also for many other
matters on which rules are useful ; and capable of being adopted, either with
or without alterations, by a few special rules, with a great saving in the cost of
printing.
The General Secretary of the Union will prepare such special rules, without
charge, on receiving a statement of the rules desired.
II. Bights of a Registered Society —
1. It becomes a body corporate, which can by its corporate name sue and be
sued, and hold and deal with property of any kind, including shares in other
societies or companies, and land to any amount.
2. Its rules are binding upon its members, though they may have signed no
assent to them ; but may be altered by amendments duly made as the rules
provide, and registered, for which a fee of £1 is charged. The application for
registration must be made on a form supplied by the Registrar's office.
3. It can sue its own members, and can make contracts, either under its
seal or by a writing signed by any person authorised to sign, or by word of
mouth of any person authorised to speak for it, which will be binding wherever
a contract similarly made by an individual would bind him.
4. It may make all or any of its shares either transferable or withdrawable,
and may carry on any trade, including the buying and selling of land, and bank-
ing under certain conditions, and may apply the profits of the business in any
manner determined by its rules ; and, if authorised by its rules, may receive
money on loan, either from its members or others, to any amount so authorised.
5. If it has any withdrawable share capital it may not carry on banking,
but may take deposits, within any limits fixed by its rules, in sums not exceeding
10s. in any one payment, or £20 for any one depositor, payable at not less than
two clear days' notice.
6. It may make loans to its members on real or personal security ; and may
invest on the security of other societies or companies, or in any except those
where liability is unlimited.
7. It may make provision in its rules for the settlement of disjDutes between
members and the society or any officer thereof, and any decision given in
accordance with the conditions stated in the rules is binding on all parties to
the dispute, and is not removable into any court of law.
8. If the number of its shares is not limited either by its rules or its practice
it is not chargeable with income tax on the profits of its business.
9. It can, in the way provided by the Act, amalgamate with or take over
the business of any other society, or convert itself into a company.
10. It can determine the way in which disputes between the society and its
officers or members shall be settled.
416
The Co-operative Union Limited.
11. It can dissolve itself, either by an instrument of dissolution signed by
three-fourths of its members, or by a resolution passed by a three-fourths vote at
a special general meeting, of which there are two forms — (A) purely voluntary,
when the resolution requires confirmation at a second meeting ; (B) on account
of debts, when one meeting is sufficient. In such a winding up hostile
proceedings to seize the property can be stayed.
III. Rights of Members (see also IV., 4, 5, 6)—
1. They cannot be sued individually for the debts of the society, nor com-
pelled to pay more towards them than the sum remaining unpaid on any shares
which they have either expressly agreed to take or treated as their property, or
which the rules authorise to be so treated.
2. If they transfer or withdraw their shares, they cannot be made liable for
any debts contracted subsequently, nor for those subsisting at the time of the
transfer or withdrawal, unless the other assets are insufficient to pay them.
3. Persons not under the age of 16 years may become members, and legally
do any acts which they could do if of full age, except holding any office.
4. An individual or company may hold any number of shares allowed by the
rules, not exceeding the nominal value of £200, and any amount so allowed as
a loan. A society may hold any number of shares.
5. A member may nominate up to £100 of his holding in the society,
whether in shares, loans, or deposits, by a writing recorded by it, and may
revoke the nomination of any persons to take this investment at his death ;
and if he dies intestate, without having made any subsisting nomination, the
committee of management of the society are charged with the administration
of the fund; subject in either case to a notice to be given to the Coromissioners
of Inland Revenue whenever the sum so dealt with exceeds £80.
6. The members may obtain an inquiry into the position of the society by
application to the Registrar.
IV. Duties of a Registered Society —
1. It must have a registered office, and keep its name painted or engraved
outside, and give due notice of any change to the Registrar.
2. It must have a seal on which its name is engraved.
3. It must have its accounts audited by a Public Auditor at least once a year,
and keep a copy of its last balance sheet and the auditors' report constantly hung
up in its registered office.
4. It must make to the Registrar, before the 31st of March in every year, a
return of its business during the year previous, and supply a copy of its last
returns gratis to every member and person interested in its funds on application.
5. It must, once at least in every three years, make out and send to the
Registrar, along with the Annual Return for the year, a special return showing
the holding of each person in the society (whether in shares or loans) at the
date to which the said Annual Return is made out.
FF 417
The Co-operative Union Limited.
6. It must allow any member or person interested in its funds to inspect his
own account and the book containing the names of the members.
7. It must supply a copy of its rules to every person on demand, at a price
not exceeding one shilling.
8. If it carries on banking, it must make out in February and August in
every year, and keep hung up in its registered office, a return, in a form
prescribed by the Act ; and it has also to make a return every February to the
Stamp Office under the Banking Act.
The non-observance by a society of these duties exposes it and its officers to
penalties varying from £1 to £50, which are in some cases cumulative for every
week during which the neglect lasts.
418
Women in Industry.
BY JAMES HASLAM.
r
WE have in the title of this article a subject which brings
us face to face with one of the most perplexing, and
perhaps one of the most arresting, problems in the
extensive realm of social and economic investigation. It is a
problem, too, that has been forced upon us, or rather impressed,
to some extent, upon the mind of the public only within
recent years. Prior to the birth of the twentieth century
only a comparatively few persons — persons usually fascinated by
sociological study — displayed any special interest in the subject,
and it was seldom that they had an opportunity of imparting their
knowledge through popular sources. Owing also to the fact that
no investigation of a really extensive character had been made,
information of women workers, except in old-estabhshed trades,
was incomplete and incoherent, and consequently unreliable. It
was impossible to work out a comprehensive or trustworthy survey
of wages and conditions of labour from previous publications.
It is still difficult to do this with anything like scientific
precision. But those who have been accustomed to pursue the
subject, and make progressive notes upon it, must have been
vastly encouraged by the overwhelming facts and figures that have
been brought to light during the sex and social restlessness of
the past few years. The revelation has been appalling in its
■sordidness. It has been encouraging only in the proof of an
awakened interest, and a stimulated public consciousness in
regard to conditions that have been discreditable to civilisation,
and in proof also of a determination to marshal facts in preparation
for local and national effort to remove deep and widespread
grievances, the evils of which no man or woman could now fully
trace; they have gone to the grave with the girls and the women
v/ho have been their victims.
There is no subject to-day of more importance, nor one that is
likely to have more effect upon the conditions of society in future,
than that of women in industry. How to deal with it adequately
in the space to be encompassed in this contribution is one of the
difficulties that would present itself to any writer who has given
much time to study and inquiry regarding it. In recent years the
subject has forced itself upon us with alarming strides; it has
been contemporary also with the rise of various activities, new
impulses, and desires on the part of females; and anybody who
419
Women in Industry.
thinks at all must be asking himself, or herself : What is the cause
of the increasing cry of woman for a more active share in the
work of the world, for greater social and political liberty, for
industrial conditions of equality with that of man — in fact, for
the right to regulate and control her own life under conditions
which have not been permitted hitherto ? What does it all mean ?
Whither is it leading us? What is to be woman's place in the
society of the future?
It is not my object to deal with these phases, or to attempt to
provide an answer to them. Men and women in widely different
capacities are wrestling with the grave, yet somewhat fascinating,
problem, which the interrogations involve or suggest. Politicians,
social scientists, trade union leaders, local governing authorities,
employers of labour, and others are finding themselves, day after
day, being more bound by the questions which the problem, in
the course of its evolution, is thrusting upon them. There will be
no escape from it; it will have to be faced. The past is dead.
And the newer activities, and the newer outlook of women, are
playing a greater part than most of us are aware of, perhaps, in
the preparation and the formation of the new social world we are
about to enter.
But my only province here is to treat of women in industry.
I have no intention of going into any "ancient" history of this
subject; it is too much of a live problem of to-day, and of the
immediate future, to waste time in constructing readable phrases
of things no longer with us. I want to endeavour to present the
living facts as we have them before us at this moment. I should
like to say, nevertheless, that the advance of woman in industry
has now become so prominent, and so permanent as a feature in
national life, that even our biologists are concerning themselves
about it. In a joint work on Sex, only recently written by Patrick
Geddes (Professor of Botany, University of St. Andrews) and
J. Arthur Thomson (Professor of Natural History, University of
Aberdeen), the question is asked, "What may be the place of
woman in the contemporary transformation of the industrial age?"
Professor Karl Pearson, in an essay on Woman and Labour (1894),
contended that woman's problem of the future was "to reconcile
maternal activity with the new possibilities of self-development
open to women." This, he said, was par excellence their problem.
"It is not one," he also wrote, "which can be solved by 'equality
of opportunity,' but solely by the recognition of maternity as an
essentially social activity, by the institution of some form of
national insurance for motherhood, and by the correlated restriction
and regulation of woman's labour." Since these words were
written, twenty years ago, the nation has recognised the necessity
of national insurance for motherhood in the maternity section of
the National Health Insurance Act, and the regulation of labour
in a very special sense in the Trade Boards Act, though women's
420
Women in Industry.
labour has been long regulated by the Factory Acts. But the
restriction of women's labour is another matter altogether.
The tendency of industrial changes has seriously lessened this
restriction, and the probability is that in future sex (except through
physical causes) will not be a barrier, as it has been, traditionally,
in the past, to social and industrial activities, whether of men or
women. The point, however, I wish to emphasise is that the
scientists' desire to secure regulation of labour, with the object of
making it more compatible with woman's maternal function, does
not go far enough. Beyond this, the woman worker of the future
will demand economic justice and more freedom from the selfish
and, in too many instances, cruel form of exploitation which has
stained our pages of industrial history, so far as the employment of
women is concerned.
No one, however, can have gone closely into the awakening
which has taken place during the past few years without having
observed one great change that has come over any operations
directed towards the full emancipation of women ; and that is, that
whereas women's subjects were once investigated and judged only
by men, comparatively speaking, women themselves have not only
come forward to investigate, to analyse, and to pass judgment,
but they are determined to wrestle with the problem themselves,
and be the foremost in helping towards, and in urging and
demanding a solution. This is important and will have a far-
reaching effect ; for it means that, however backward men may be
either in understanding or dealing with the problem, however
cynical, narrow-minded, or parasitical some of them may remam
with regard to the newer resolve and the newer outlook of women,
the women themselves are determined to make their own progress.
Men may or may not be wise enough or sensible enough to work
side by side with the women as social comrades ; but what I want
to say is, that it does not depend upon men so entirely as it has
done heretofore ; the new factor in the problem is the perception of
women themselves, that, if women's wrongs are to be righted,
women themselves will have to understand and champion the
cause. The test of one's value to society in the twentieth century
is not to be sex alone, but service to the well-being of the
community. We would seem to be on the brink of a newly-
constructed society, a new world, in which opportunity must be
given to women for larger development ; for freer exercise of their
capacities; for better chances of attaining a level of equality with
men, in extending to family existence and the advancement of the
State every condition necessary to the exaltation of human
character and the fulness of life in any and every grade of society.
THE NUMEEICAL POSITION OF WOMEN WOEKEES.
Now, I am going to take the view that in no grade of society
are the foregoing remarks more applicable than among the working
421
Women in Industry.
classes. They have the most to gain by better and higher
conditions, at any rate, of social, industrial, and political life. They
have the most to obtain from the true progress of democracy.
And if they are to take their proper place in the society of the
future they must have more justice extended to them, more leisure,
more education, more control of the means of life, regarding either
physical or mental requirements. And to no one is the subject of
women workers of more vital importance. Their women-folk da
not work to provide themselves with a useful hobby, or to satisfy
some passing whim ; their working-class women — the child-bearers
of the industrial race — are wage-earners and bread-winners in real
earnest. They should be the very first to rise against that practice
which has prevailed now for too long — that is, the practice of
underpaying women for industrial service merely because they are
females; this custom of exploiting our wives and daughters and
sisters, yea, and our mothers and grandmothers, has had a
disastrous effect upon the economic and moral welfare of
working-class life. Hence, who should be more interested in the
advancement of women workers than working men? And as
women have realised that they must solve their own problems, so
the working classes must deal with their own difficulties and aims
in their own way, and learn to utilise the failures of self-effort as
stepping stones to success. But we must, first of all, perceive
that there can be no really sound progress in working-class life
without the application of high principles to women in industry.
However, let us see, in the first place, what is the numerical
position of women in industry, and to what extent they have
gained upon males in industry. It is in the continually increasing
numbers of female workers that we shall realise we have
before us a grave social problem. In the industrial life of the
nation the place and power of females are growing rapidly.
However much longer women in other grades of society may be
prepared to play the satellite to man in the social affairs of life
(and this is becoming less in evidence), women are becoming a
greater and greater part of the industrial strength of the nation;
almost every day England in particular becomes more seriously
involved in the problem of female labour.
D.uring the past twenty years females have been employed in
occupations that were previously wholly monopolised by males.
But if we go back to 1841, when, according to writers like Frederick
Engles, the working classes of northern industrial centres lived
under deplorable housing and sanitary conditions, we find that
women were beginning to increase at a more rapid rate than men
in certain groups of well-defined industries. This may be
graphically illustrated by a tabulated series of figures which I
have taken from an edition of The Evolution of Modern Capitalism,
by Mr. .J. A. Hobson, published' in 1894, and reproduced
herewith.
422
Women in Industry.
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S I g ^ - 2
i I
S 3
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8 8
00 00
p?
00
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8 8
t- OS
00 S o5 c- S
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as 3 5 e5
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a j3
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Q fc ^
Women in Industry.
The figures, of course, speak for themselves. The totals show
at a glance the gradual ascendency of females over males. This is
attributed to the development of machinery in manufacturing
processes, which could be tended by females, and which were in
some cases more adapted to the industrial qualifications of the
female sex; but another factor which undoubtedly helped the
gradual rise of females in number was that they could be secured
at cheaper rates. Whilst this circumstance was an obstacle to the
economic improvement of working-class family life, it was readily
taken advantage of by capitalists in competition one with another.
However, the table which I have given indicating the progress
of females in industry leaves us with the numerical position as it
was in 1891. I shall not attempt to bring these identical figures
up to date, because, owing to the variations made in the census
returns, the task could not be done, in all probability, with
accuracy. But, so far as the figures go. in the groups of trades
enumerated, it is clear that there was a remarkable advance in
regard to the employment of female labour. Let us now see the
numerical relationship between males and females in nine groups
of our manufacturing industries, as shown in the occupational
census returns of 1901 and 1911: —
Trades.
Precious Metals, Jewels, ]
Watches, Instruments, [
and Games (including ,
Electricity Supply ) I
Wood Furniture, Fittings,
and Decorations
Brick, Cement, Pottery, and
Glass
Chemicals, Oil, Grease,
Soap, &c
Skins, Leather, Hair, and
Feathers
Paper, Prints, Books, and
Stationery
Textile Fabrics
Workersand Dealers in Dress
Food, Tobacco, Drink, and
Lodging
Number of Persons
Employed in 1901.
Totals.
Males.
148,491
276,591
152,795
118,244
90,672
219,621
594,742
492,149
929,049
3,022,356
Females.
19,853
81,041
37,061
31,431
27,194
114,640
867,259
903,646
372,027
2,404,152
Number of Persons
Employed in 1911.
Males.
122,664
344,509
183,896
155,245
97,937
252,880
677,177
511,880
1,067,164
3,413,351
Females.
25,153
36,003
42,707
42,748
34,564
145,623
958,907
895,298
543,853
2,724,856
It may be repeated that the above list of industriog embraces
nearly the whole of our manufacturing trades. The position of
females, it will be observed, has been well maintained during the
ten years covered by the statistics. Males increased by 390,996,
and femaiesi by 320,704. However, the figures clearly indicate to
what a large extent we are dependent upon the services of females
424
Women in Industry.
in the continual output of our manufactured goods. I shall
endeavour to show, later on, how unfairly we have rewarded them
in the form of wages.
According to the census of 1911 the following was the number
of males and females over ten years of age occupied as wage-earners
and profit-makers in the United Kingdom : —
Country.
Males. ! Females.
England and Wales '
11,453,665 4,830 734
Scotland
Ireland
1,473,757 593,210
1,387,198 430,092
Totals ,
14,314,620 ; 5,854,036
1
The total number occupied in 1901 was: — Males, 12,951,186;
females, 5,309,960. Of the 5,854,036 females employed in 1911
there were 2,045,563 engaged in domestic offices or services, thus
leaving 3,808,473 at work in an industrial, a commercial, and
professional capacity. It is surprising how great has been
the development among women in connection with many of
our industries, and in such trades in which females a few years
ago were almost unknown. As iron and steel workers in England
and Wales the growth of women from 1901 to 1911 was 19'4
per cent., and that of men 11"9 per cent. In the making of tinplate
goods men decreased by 10'5 per cent., and women increased by
86'1 per cent. ! In white-plated ware men decreased by 1'2 per
cent., and women went up by 312 per cent. In brassfounding,
finishing, &c., men declined by 12'9 per cent., and women
ascended by 20'3 per cent. There was also a diminution of men
employed in the manufacture of precious metals, jewellery,
watches, &c., to the extent of 2*9 per cent.; on the other hand,
females came out with an increase of 26"3 per cent. Even when
we come to the making of scientific instruments and photographic
appliances, in which accuracy and patience are required, we find
that women were added to, during the decennial period, at the rate
of 80'1 per cent., and men at the rate of 53'0 per cent.
And so one might proceed with numerous other proofs that
females are entering even metal trades at a greater rate than
males are — trades held exclusively by males only a few years ago.
It is, in fact, surprising how our sisters, wives, and mothers have
been provided with employment in almost every character of
engineering work, where machinery has gradually displaced the
strength, endurance, and the old hand skill of men. Females have
to take their place in the making of nails, rivets, heavy chains,
in "general engineering*' and machine making, in the manufacture
of textile fittings, of machine tools, gas-fittings, and of metal
requirements of various descriptions. In England and Wales,
from 1901 to 1911, females in the making of gas-fittings increased
425
Women in Industry.
by 170'8 per cent, and men by 1451. Eespecting furniture,
fittings, and decorations, women again had the greater percentage
of increase, as they had in earthenware manufacture. In 1881
there were 62 women to every 100 men in the making of
earthenware, china, and porcelain goods; this proportion had
risen to 73 to the 100 in 1911. Hence, measured by percentage,
the pace of woman is quicker than that of man. Few occupations
are now free from the advance of our sisters. In printing,
Hthography, and bookbinding they recorded an increase of 43 '9
per cent, from 1901 to 1911, compared to 17'6 per cent, respecting
men. Woman is taking the same course that man has done in
the gradual acquisition of rights and liberties; year by year she
becomes a greater industrial asset; year by year she will realise
strength in the nation's dependency upon her industrial skill and
training ; year by year she will rise from a low to a higher economic
position in social, industrial, and family life; from the higher
economic ground she will proceed to greater industrial justice for
herself and her sisters ; and by the extension of her industrial
position, and her indispensable place in factory and workshops
organisation, she will enlarge her perception of the value of trade
union and political power. We are told that in the census of
1831 (the year preceding the passing of the great Eeform Act) many
householders made no attempt to eftter their women-folk in the
population columns as separate beings from themselves. They
were the little lords of creation. They lumped their wives and
children and female servants together, and counted them as one
person along with the householder. In many cases females were
returned as belonging to neither agricultural, industrial, nor
commercial classes; there were not a few instances in which
females were left out of the returns altogether as being of no
account. But times have changed ! Woman has continued to
push her way into various activities of life and work, and in no
class is her advance more persistent than in that of the industrial
necessities of the nation. What does it all mean? What will be
the outcome of it in regard to the sex and economic circumstances
of society? In The Evolution of Modern Capitalism, Mr. J. A.
Hobson wrote : —
Modern manufacture with machinery favours the employment of women
as compared with men. Each census during the last half century shows that
in England women are entering more largely into every department of
manufacture, excepting branches of metal work, machine making, and
shipbuilding, &c., where great muscular strength is a prime factor in success.
It is twenty years since that was written, and since then
women have entered several of the metal trades from which they
were barred at that time.
AVERAGE EARNINGS OF FEMALES IN EMPLOYMENT.
From the foregoing pages we have seen, or measured, the
numerical position of women in industry. We have perceived that
426
Women in Industry.
in many trades females are increasing at a greater percentage rate
than men are. We have next to gather some particulars about
the way that our women workers are compensated in actual wages
for their industrial service. The whole of the pages of this
contribution might very well have been occupied with the gloomy
facts of this section of the subject alone. From the point of view
of wages society's treatment towards the women is not one of
which we can be justly proud. Of late years the economic
conditions of females in industry have improved, and that
improvement continues. Let us hope that it will not be set back.
In 1906 the Board of Trade made a very wide and detailed
investigation into the wages of workers in almost every industry
in the United Kingdom. On the whole, wages are not much
different to-day. In some instances they are slightly higher, and in
other instances slightly lower, according to the periodical rising and
falling of wages rates in all industries. There has, perhaps, been a
greater tendency towards higher rates among females than among
males, owing to the awakening of public consciousness, and the
interference with wages rates among sweated industries — mainly
composed of women, forsooth — by the Government. The effect of
the Trade Boards Act of 1909 has been encouraging. But I shall
allude to this at greater length when dealing with the lowest-paid
trades.
The figures which I now wish to present are based upon the
earnings of women for one full week — the last pay-day week — in
September of 1906. I am relying upon this week of 1906, because
we can get from it tlie most complete return on earnings and hours
of labour that has ever been issued by any organisation or any
State department. And, in order to indicate the low estimate that
has been put upon girls and women as industrial workers, I shall
compare their earnings with those of boys and lads. It will be
seen that the wages of women over eighteen years of age are
much the same as lads under twenty; as a matter of fact, in
some cases they do not reach the standard paid to mere boys.
At this time, when many people are claiming for women who
perform work equal to that of men a wage equal to men's wages,
it is important that we should realise that they have been up to
the present rated with boys. Even if we leave aside the relative
value of the work performed by women and by boys of
comparatively tender age, it may still be argued that a worker
employed in any industrial pursuit during the full working hours
of the week should be paid a sufficient wage to provide food,
clothing, and shelter. A very large percentage of adult women
workers do not earn that life's sufficiency; they cannot provide
themselves with a decent livelihood, and, in spite of a hard week's
work, they must, perforce, rely upon charity, or the help of
relatives at every emergency that arises. The measure of injustice
meted out to adult women is further emphasised when we remember
427
Women in Industry.
that whilst a lad receives a greater wage than she, he, when he
becomes an adult, has the opportunity in skilled trades of having
his wages advanced to anything from 100 to over 200 per cent,
in excess of the earnings of grown-up women. The outlook of
the woman worker is seriously handicapped in this respect : as
girls they are rated at a lower standard than boys. As adult women
they occupy the level 'of lads from fourteen to twenty years of age.
And they remain in that position whilst lads go ahead.
However, in order to show clearly the position of girls and
adult women as compared with boys and lads, I have compiled
three tables. The first shows industries in which the wages of
women are fairly higher than the wages of lads ; the second
tabulates trades in which lads and women's wages are pretty
much alike; the third deals with industries in which adult women's
wages are lower than those paid to lads. Each table gives the
wages for a full week's work. The first table is as follows : —
Trades.
Lads and
Boys.
Women.
Girls.
Printing
Bookbinding.
Paper, Stationery Manufacture
Wallpaper : Process Block Making
Baking and Confectionery
Chocolate Workers
s. d.
8 7
8 8
8 6
9 7
9 6
9 8
Musical Instrument Manufacture | 9
Umbrella, Parasol, and Stick Making... | 10
s. d.
12 3
12 10
11 11
18 9
12 8
14 10
(Piece
Rates.)
15 9
15 7
6 6
9 5
6 5
6 7
8 3
6 11
We will now take the second table:
Trades.
Lads and
Boys.
Women.
Girls.
C!ardboard,Canvas,&c.,BoxManufacture
Earthenware, &c
Chemical Manufacture
Lime, &c., Works
Soap and Candle Makers
Saltworks
Olass Industry
Preserve Foods, Jam, Pickles, «fec
Biscuit Manufacture
Aerated Water Manufacture
Tobacco, &c., and Snuff Manufacture ...
Leather Tanning and Dressing
Brush and Broom Makers
India-rubber, Gutta-percha, &c
Linoleum, Oilcloth
Miscellaneous Leather Goods
Miscellaneous Industries
s. d.
10 3
11
10
11 9
11 0
9 8
9 1
10 4
9 10
9 6
9 9
11 0
9 11
9 11
10 5
10 5
10 7
s. d.
12 3
11 11
10 8
13 1
12
10
10 6
10 11
10 10
9 7
12 0
12 11
10 6
12 8
12 9
12 8
12 5
s. d.
6 1
6 2
7 4
8 6
6 11
6 11
6 7
7
7
6
9
6
7
7
6 6
6 9
428
Women in Industry.
The third table (showing in which trades women receive less
wages than lads and boys) is as follows: —
Trades.
Brick, Tile, Pipe, Fire-clay Ware 11
Glass Bottle Makers i 12
Explosives Manufacture | 15
Grain Milling i 11
Malting and Brewing j 10
Chocolate Workers i 9
Confectionery Workers : 9
Sugar Refining I 12
Spirit Distilling ! 12
Oil-seed and Oil-cake Manufacture i 13
In all the above trades female workers are poorly organised as
regards trade unionism; in many of the trades there is no trade
union at all. It is in the textile industries where females are the
best organised, and where, on the whole, there is a greater disparity
between the wages of lads and women, to the advantage of the
women. In order to make our comparisons complete I have
compiled the following table of textile trades : —
Trades. Lads & Boys. Women. Girls.
: s. d. 3. d. s. d.
Cotton I 11 6 18 8 10 1
Woollen and Worsted ; 8 10 13 10 8 4
Linen i 7 8 10 9 6 7
Jute 10 11 13 5 9 8
Silk i 8 2 11 2 6 4
Hosiery I 9 5 14 3 7 9
Lace j 12 8 13 5 7 1
Fustian and Cord Cutting | 9 8 10 10 8 1
Bleaching, Dyeing, &c. ..I 10 8 , 12 4 8 2
Other trades that may be cited are : —
Trades.
Lads & Boys.
Woraen. |
Girls.
s. d.
s. d. !
s. d.
9 11
15 5
6 4
8 11
11 10
5 1
6 11
14 2 :
5 5
8 9
13 4
6 9
10 4
12 4 i
6 9
12 7
16 4 i
7 8
10 7
13 10
7 2
8 9
12 10 i
6 6
9 4
12 9
6 7
Dress, MilUnery, &c. (factory)
Tailoring (ready-made)
Tailoring (bespoke)
Shirt, Blouse, Underclothing ..
Boot and Shoe
Silk Hat and Felt Hat
Dyeing and Cleaning
Laundry (factory)
Laundry (workshop)
429
t Women in Industry.
These figures give a clear indication of the general lowness of
women's wages, even in trades that are mainly on a higher level
than those that are branded as "sweated." But they do not tell
the whole of the sorry story. At any rate, they demonstrate the
economic position of grown-up women as compared with male
3^ouths in a remarkable way. The position, too, is worse than the
figures, bad as they are, would lead one to perceive. For instance,
the average wages for "boys and lads" are lumped together —
that is, the average is one made up from the total earnings of all
males below twenty years of age. With regard to women the
average is that of all women above eighteen years of age. Hence,
if the average for all females were based on the same age condition
as that of boys and lads, women would compare still worse with
males who are below the age of domestic responsibility. What it
means is that the mother of a family, who, through one
circumstance or another, may be the principal bread-winner, is
rated, as a wage-earner, on no higher level than the majority of
youths at any age from sixteen to twenty years.
In the factories and workshops of the United Kingdom, or, at
any rate, of Great Britain, there are well over 2,000,000 girls
and women employed. The Duchess of Marlborough recently
estimated, after an investigation, that, in all probability, 300,000
women in "organised" industries receive less than 12s. per
week. This alludes to "women," not girls. But if you take the
average earnings shown in the tables above, and consider that
deductions are being constantly made through sickness, breakdowns
of machinery, trade depression, seasonal slackness, shortness of
raw material, general and statutory holidays, it will be seen that
a very great number of our adult women workers do not obtain
12s. per week the year round. It has been estimated by the
Women's Industrial Council that the minimum sum necessary to
meet the minimum requirements of a desirable life of a single
woman is 15s. per week. This is for a single woman. What
about the thousands of married women and widows, who have
dependents in the way of underpaid or unemployed husbands,
infirm or unemployable husbands, or young children? But the
15s. standard is certainly low enough. It was stated by Mr.
Barnes (an officer of the Board' of Trade) before a Select Committee
of the House of Commons, in July, 1913, that out of 500,000
women whose wages had been estimated by the Board of Trade,
19 per cent, earned less than 10s. per week. Take the groups I
have enumerated above ; there are fifty-four of them. The average
earnings for a full week's work was less than 15s. per week in
forty-eight of the groups; it was under 14s. in forty-five
of the groups; it was under 12s. in twenty-three of the
groups; it was under lis. in seventeen groups. Hence,
when you consider the deductions to which I have alluded,
it will be perceived that there is very much yet to be done before
430
Women in Industry.
a standard of economic independence can be secured for adult
women workers. If we next look at the wages of girls (females
under eighteen years of age) we shall find that they occupy a
very poor place in our industries as compared with boys. The
labour they perform in many trades, however, is not necessarily of
less value to the life and upkeep of the nation; their outlook at
present is not encouraging ; they proceed from a low standard as
girls to a low standard as women. With boys it is the other way
about. There is nothing, perhaps, that tends to destroy the
dignity, the health, virtue, and the independence of workers so
much as inadequate wages or earnings that will not purchase the
common requirements of the week. To many young women it
means moral ruin. If women must work, either out of sheer
necessity, or for the purpose of maintaining personal independence,
or even for the cheapness of production, it is not fair to expect a
high standard of dignity, refinement, and morality from them if
they, as adult creatures, are kept to the level of, or below, the
economic plane of lads. To leave them in this position is to
perpetuate a grave national discredit. Of course, it should be
explained that one does not get a full understanding of the
economic circumstances of women workers by viewing the subject
from the basis of average earnings given in the form of bare
statistics. Obviously, some obtain a higher wage than the
calculated average, whilst many fall below that standard. If you
were to go through the voluminous returns from which I have
compiled the above tables, you would observe that thousands of
women workers — adult women workers — do not earn 10s. per week
for full employment. Indeed, many are rewarded for the week's
task with so little a sum as 7s. 6d., and, shame to say, some even
come so low as 5s. A bare recital of the figures should be sufficient
to condemn them !
SWEATED AND LOW-PAID INDUSTRIES.
Below the level of earnings already dealt with there is an
underworld of women workers whose conditions are indescribable.
These are, perhaps, among the less organised industrial servants,
among whom exploitation for private profit and competitive
purposes has been untrammelled. It would be impossible to
investigate the terrible results. There was no hope at all for these
workers when left absolutely under a laissez-faire policy. But,
happily for some of them, Parliamentary interference came to
their assistance, and all past traditions regarding the free right of
employers to exploit whom they may, and where they may, were
swept aside by the establishment of a minimum wage through the
Trade Boards Act. As a result of the persistent work of the
National Anti- Sweating League, this Act passed through both
Houses of Parliament without opposition in 1909. Its free passage
431
Women in Industry.
was one of the clearest signs we have had of an awakening pubHc
conscience in behalf of under-paid and semi-starved women
workers. It took some time, of course, to get the Parliamentary
measure into operation. I am not concerned here, however, with
the Act and its mode of procedure, so much as with the results
of its application. Its object was, briefly, to establish a minimum
wage for workers whose earnings wer6 indisputably low and were
inadequate for the commonest necessaries of life. It was directed,
in the first place, to four trades in which the rates of pay were
exceptionally low. These were chain making, lace finishing,
paper-box making, and ready-made and wholesale bespoke tailoring.
These trades comprised about 250,000 workers, mostly women.
Numerous difficulties presented themselves in the endeavour to
make the legislation operative, and to fix the minima for the
various sections of the workers affected. But most of these were
overcome, and it may be stated that, generally speaking, the
Wages Boards that were formed and established under the Act
succeeded in raising the earnings of women in chain making from
5s. and 6s. to 10s. 6d. a week, and in some cases higher. This
cannot be considered a luxurious weekly income for such an
arduous task, but it is better than a mere pittance of 53. and 6s.
Female outworkers in this grimy and laborious occupation were
similarly advanced. Although the minimum arranged for lace
and net finishers amounted only to 2fd. per hour, it was from
80 to 100 per cent, more than had been paid before the compulsory
powers of the Act. Under favourable conditions of trade females
occupied in the manufacture of paper and cardboard boxes used
to earn from 8s. to 9s. a week, and many less than the lower
sum. It was estimated that the average wage for a full week's
work was 8s.. per week. The legalised minimum is now 13s. per
week. In ready-made and wholesale bespoke tailoring the wages
have been raised from 8s. to 10s. a week to a minimum of 14s. Id.
for adult women workers. These are simply bare statements of
what the Act has achieved in regard to adult workers. The effect
has been to raise the efficiency of the workers, to improve the
administration of the trades, to advance the commercial methods
of the employers, and to increase the numerical strength of trade
unions. The Act has fixed wages rates for learners and juvenile
operatives, and has, in consequence, achieved more for the moral
and physical welfare of girls than most people can be aware of;
in this respect its worth to the nation can be perceived only by
scanning through the list of wages which are so meagre that it is
not to be wondered at that many young and unprotected girls are
tempted, and fall into sin years before they can understand how
deep and black is the pit into which they have stumbled, or have
been pushed into by economic conditions that are, without doubt,
a shame to British industry. Prior to the Trade Boards Act there
were women chain workers labouring at heavy, dirty, depressing
432
Women in Industry.
work for 4s. 6d. a week; added to the wearying toil in the forge
was the incessant burden of domestic duties under the most trying
and the most impoverished conditions. In tailoring the lowest
weekly wage for grown-up females is 14s. Id. per week. Before
the interference of legislation 10 per cent, of the women tailors
received less than 8s. per week, 20 per cent, less than 10s. In
paper-box making over 10,000 women over eighteen years of age
received less than 10s. a week. Hence, the Act, so far as it has
been applied, has been a blessing to women and children.
Employers now praise it; it has increased the standard of their
production, or has had that effect. The nation should now insist
upon its extension.
In March of 1914 Mr. Sydney Buxton (then President of the
Board of Trade) announced in the House of Commons that the
Govermnent had decided to include four other trades. These were
sugar confectionery and food preserving, shirt making, hollow-ware
making, and linen and cotton embroidery. The number of persons
employed in these occupations are, approximately, 150,000. It
has been suggested that the extension should include laundry
workers; if so, 110,000 workers would be added to the list.
However, the employes connected with the trades in question are
mainly females, and in far too many cases the conditions of their
labour are very bad. One does not like to hear of "filthy details"
in connection with sugar confectionery and food preserving
occupations. But such is the case, although many concerns
provide excellent conditions and superior workers. The trades
under this heading include the manufacture of cocoa, chocolate,
jam, marmalade, preserved fruits, fruits and table jellies, meat
extracts, meat essences, sauces and pickles, and the preparation
of a variety of flesh meats. It is essential for the sake of public
health that the operatives should be clean and exercise the great-est
care with regard to cleanliness. But how can that be accomplished
when their environment in too many instances is discouraging from
this point of view ? The reports of Home Office factory inspectors
not infrequently testify to the uncleanly state of the workrooms.
The economic standard of the workers is no better. In these
trades, and also in t^a packing and biscuit making, Mr. J. J.
Mallon (secretary of the Anti- Sweating League) says that an
inquiry of the Christian Social Union showed that their earnings
were: — s. d.
Girls, 14 years 4 9
Girls, 15 years to 18 years 6 4
Girls, 18 years and over 11 5
Married Women 8 11
Continuing, Mr, Mallon writes: —
We may profitably compare with these the still more authoritative fissures
of the Board of Trade inquiry of 1906, which, however, apply to the whole of
the United Kingdom.
GG 433
Women in Industry.
Women
(over 18).
Cocoa, Chocolate, and Sugar Confectionery.
Preserved Food, Jam, Pickle, Sauce, &c
s. d.
11 9
10 11
Girls.
s. d.
6 7
6 7
But what is wrong with a trade is often concealed in average figures.
Looking beneath them in this instance we find that in the first of the two
given groups 40 per cent, of women received less than 10s., nearly 30 per cent,
less than 9s., and actually one woman in five less than 8s a week.
In the food preserving group the percentage receiving less than 10s. is
higher, 44*3, but the other percentages are less.
But probably the most enlightening figures of the Board of Trade inquiry
are those in which the earnings of workers are classified in occupation groups : —
Women (over 18)»
Average
Earnings.
Lower
Quartile.
s. d.
s. d.
Confectionery Workers
Time
Piece
9 1
11 8
7 6
8 6
Chocolate Workers
Time
9 2
7 0
,, ,^
Piece
14 10
11 6
Weighers, Fillers, Wrappers,
Labellers,
Packers,
Time
9 8
8 0
»» >> »>
>>
Piece
11 8
8 6
Other Women
Time
10 6
—
»» >»
Piece
11 8
Indeed, it is computed that one-fourth of the time workers in
the confectionery trade receive less than 7s. 6d. a week. I am
very much tempted to enter into a long treatise on the economic
conditions of adult women workers who may be described as being
on this scandalous wages level. But even a bare enumeration of
the list of trade and wages would take up too much of the space
here at my disposal. I dare not peep into the documents before
me fear lest I should be induced to reproduce the dispiriting
facts. Shirt making alone is full of tragic details in the fields of
women's labour. In some respects it may not be so bad as it
was when Tom Hood aroused the sympathy of England with the
"Song of the Shirt," written for the Christmas number of Punch
in 1843. But it is still stained with "poverty, hunger, and dirt"
to a degree that ought to shock the refinement of civilisation.
Except in co-operative establishments, wages for shirt making are
on a very low scale, and in some parts of the United Kingdom,
notably in Ireland, they range, generally, from one penny to
twopence per hour.
434
Women in Industry.
In dealing with shirt makers one has to remember that it is
an occupation which includes a large number of home-workers,
among whom wages are seldom above 10s. per week; usually, they
vary from 5s. to 8s. per week of long hours and strenuous labour.
In factories many shirt makers, working at piece rates on power
driven machines, can earn 15s. and 16s. a week. The effect of the
Trade Boards Act would be to place the rates of home and factory
workers on a better and a more equal basis. It is difficult to
estimate the changes in life and character that would be wrought
by the economic improvement. But to let home-workers stop
where they are and as they are is foolish, dishonourable, and costly.
To find them one has always to wander through a labyrinth of
mean streets; they dwell either on the hem or in the heart of
areas of petty crime and blackest poverty : the veritable Jago of
dirty streets and courts and backyards, sloppy with filth. Indeed,
far too many of us are unaware of the wretched surroundings in
which quantities of the goods we wear are made. We should
shudder if we could always realise the truth when we put them on.
I have brought upon myself fits of anger and depression in visiting
the dark city regions of home-workers in England, Ireland,
Scotland, and Wales. I have come away more than once swearing
that I would never go again. Only a few weeks ago I paid a visit
to one or two of these social Hades within a short distance of the
palatial premises of the C.W.S. in and about Balloon Street,
Manchester. In one domestic prison — it was nothing else — I
found one woman making shirts. She had six bedraggled children,
half -clothed, half -fed, rarely ever clean, and never wearing a new
garment. Her husband had deserted her. Many days she worked
from very early morning till late at night, stitch, stitch, stitch aU
the time. And what do you think she earned in the week previous
to the one I spoke to her in company with a lady social worker?
Only 7s. I went into a lonely house at the end of a court. There
were no curtains to the windows. It was a dark, wet afternoon.
Sitting in the centre of the only living-room in the house was an
elderly woman, making elastic bands and tassels for umbrellas.
In this gloomy abode the woman, aged sixty-two, hved and worked
alone, day after day and night after night. And for what? For
4s. 6d. to OS. 6d. a week ! She paid 3s. 6d. for the miserable,
diminutive hut, the very sight of which ought not to be tolerated
by any Christian nation. How did she live ? Only in this way —
that what society failed to give her for her incessant labour, charity
came to the rescue. But why on earth should we permit a system
of profit-making out of workers who could not be kept ahve to
perform the never-ending task, if charity did not step in? Was it
ever intended that either charity or the Poor Law doles should
have been distributed for the aid of employers? I could cite
innumerable cases of sweated workers living, or existing, on the
dual income of labour and public assistance. I have seen it in
435
, Women in Industry.
Manchester, Liverpool, London, Glasgow, Belfast, Birmingham,
Leeds, not to speak of smaller places. And I have been supplied
with the names of employers, mostly living in an extravagant
manner, and not infrequently dwelling in the beauty areas and
health resorts of the kingdom. This condition of British industry
is not only grossly unjust to the sweated, blood-sucked workers,
but it is an imposition upon the public who have to provide what
employers fail to do — that is, the barest necessities of life. Why
should there be the slightest hesitation, therefore, in applying
the Trade Boards Act?
I have in my possession ample evidence to indicate that the
rates paid to these home-workers have, in many cases, declined, as
public assistance and prices of food have been increased. I have
watched women, assisted by their children, make up shirts at
8d. per dozen; and, whilst in pursuance of my facts, I have seen
working-men trade unionists purchasing them. It is this kind of
indifference to the welfare of their own lower classes that the
workers themselves make it very difficult to raise the standard
of life among such women as home shirt makers, earning 6s., 7s.,
and 8s. per week, for hours of labour to which no trade unionist
would submit. And it is a mistake to assume that articles of
labour manufactured in the way I have indicated are necessarily
cheap goods. They are not. I have seen linen goods made up in
the slums of Belfast for less than one yenny 'per hour. I have
been shown these goods in wholesale houses and retail establish-
ments, marked at prices that could be paid only by the wealthy
classes. And this burden of sweating falls chiefly upon girls and
women — girls on the border of womanhood, and women who are
mothers and grandmothers, women who have lamented the
functions of motherhood because they interfered with their
wearying labour and the earning of poverty wages. To say that
we can do no more for these women than has been done
heretofore is to admit that the civilising influence of social reform
is hopeless as far as these denizens of the industrial gutter are
concerned. But how and when are we going to remove the foul
stain from the escutcheon of British industry? The time should
be now, and the best weapon we have is the Trade Boards Act.
It should be used unsparingly. And when we have achieved all
we can by its operation we may then proceed to a still higher
standard.
Now one of the objects of the Trade Boards Act is to set up
a standard average wage for women workers of 13s. per week. If
you will compare this standard with the average wages I have
already enumerated in connection with organised factory labour,
you will perceive that it is in some instances even higher; it is
higher than the averages earned in several groups of trades where
women are protected by trade unions, composed either of females
only, or females and males. Indeed, the regulation of wages by
436
16
17
ls
19
20
21
9-
Il-
13/-
15/-
17/-
20/-
Women iyi Industry.
legislation has accomplished more in regard to trades already under
the Act than might have been won by other means in a generation
almost. But this 13s. standard is still 2s. below what has been
estimated by experts to be necessary for the maintenance of a
single woman. And in every city, and in many large towns, there
are thousands and thousands of women whose earnings are below
the 13s. standard. Liverpool may be taken as a typical example.
Not long ago the Rev. H. D. Roberts investigated the conditions
of women workers in this great shipping city. He estimated that
100,000 females were employed in shops, factories, and warehouses.
He was led to the conclusion that 50,000 of these earned less
than 13s. per week. His figures were supported by the Liverpool
Anti-Sweating League. As a contrast it may be remarked that the
City of Liverpool Co-operative Society now pay the following scale
of wages for females : —
Ages 14 \t
Girls 0- 7-
The payment to manageresses of branch shops is 23s. per week,
and if buyers as well 27s. per week.
Now contrast this with the wages of females investigated by
Mr. Roberts. Female riveters at a tin-canister factory obtain an
average of 5s. and 6s. per week. He gives instances of shop girls,
aged eighteen years, working at pay-desks for 5s. a week. In a soap
factory the average is 9s. In a confectionery business the average
is from 8s. to 9s. Bottle washers get 6s. 6d. per week and work
nine-and-a-half hours per day. Rope workers have an average of
9s. And so one could go on filling pages with the mere recital of
miserable wages — all below the Trade Boards' standard. In a
*'most respectable wholesale concern" the wages are 8s. and 9s.
a week for women from nineteen to twenty-six years of age.
And mark this : women at this place, up to forty years of age,
get no more than 9s. per w^eek, and some of these have put in
twenty years' service. Furthermore, for this each worker has to
produce a testimonial from a Sunday school teacher, a clergyman,
or a minister. Here you must go provided with Christian virtues
and try to live on wages that send scores of women to the Hades
of the prostitute. There are firms in Liverpool paying an average
wage of 8s. lid. to women whose ages average twenty-two years.
I am not concerned with the industrial conditions of these women's
employment, which, in too many instances, are bad enough in all
conscience. I am not concerned at the moment with the
temptations which a city of entertainment and luxury offers to
those women. I could add, if I had the space, to Mr. Roberts'
short list, a very long list of low- wage cases in Liverpool, which
Miss Eleanor F. Rathbone, M.A. (a member of the Liverpool
City Council) has been good enough to send to me. I have
another list of Manchester, partly collected by myself. Pages
437
Women in Industry.
could be filled with a bare tabulation of low wages in Birmingham,
which I have extracted from the inquiries of Mr. Edward Cadbury,
M. O^cile Matheson, and Mr. George Shann, M.A. In nearly all
cases this long list cites occupations of women that m.ostly come
below the Trade Boards' cardboard box standard of 13s. a week.
The trades in which these women work are such as the making
of ammunition, bedsteads, belts and buckles, brass buttons, bolts,
chains, chandeliers, copper, cycles, electric fittings, enamelling,
fenders, gas-fittings, guns, hair-curlers, hairpins, hinges, hooks,
horse combs and clippers, lamps, metal plates, nails, needles,
pens, pins, perambulators, rules, screws, spoons and forks, tacks,
thimbles, toys, umbrellas, &c. The list extends into clothing and
sewing trades, into food trades, jewellery, printing, stationery,
leather, and about forty other groups. I have named the first
groups, because they indicate the kind of useful work that women
are doing. Except in a comparatively few cases the average wage
of women over eighteen comes below the 13s. standard. The
wages of women in the cycle trade average 10s. 6d. for workers
over twenty-one years of age, of whom nearly 50 per cent, are
married women earning lis. weekly. Between seventeen and
twenty-one the average wage is 9s. 2d. ; below seventeen, 7s. Id.
My space is filling, and I must omit the statistics compiled by the
Women's* Industrial Council with relation to women's wages in
Liverpool, and read before the Statistical Society in 1908. It is
a record of sordid conditions and scandalous wages. I have also
before me a dark picture of the conditions in the low-paid trades,
principally, employing women in Belfast, Dublin, and the North
of Ireland. Margaret H. Irwin, secretary of the Scottish Council
for Women's Trade, has issued condensed particulars of women
workers in Ireland. I have before me as I write 149 cases, with
their black details, drawn from a variety of occupations, of which
each group of cases is typical. Everywhere in England and
Wales, in Ireland and in Scotland, come voluminous evidence
of wages altogether incapable of keeping body and soul together.
I am sorry I cannot stay to reproduce examples from Miss Irwin's
inquiry, or from my own personal notes collected from the lips of
Irish workers themselves. Wages of 4s., or 5s., or 6s., or 7s.
are not at all uncommon in shirt making and linen embroidery,
even in instances where not only long hours are needed, but a
high degree of skill. The crimson facts have been endorsed by
inquirers of every description, including lady factory inspectors,
medical men, and medical officers of health. Proof is
overwhelming, and the list of low-paid occupations for women
seems almost inexhaustible. They form a depressing record.
But what must their black details mean to those who have to
bear them from day to day? They are connected with the
manufacture of articles that are ever before us in our homes,
used or worn by us all. Some of us, however, would nearly lose
Women in Industry.
our senses if we or our children had to sink to the conditions and
the slavery of those who make and finish them. A few years
ago it seemed almost, impossible to improve their circumstances,
but that is much less so to-day. The nation has a weapon at its
disposal. This is the Trade Boards Act, which we might all do
something, by word or deed, to hasten in its extension. It is not
pleasant to spend one's time in writing about these things; it is
undoubtedly gloomy to read about them. But we may at least
derive some enjoyment from the knowledge that we are engaged
in a good work once apparently hopeless, but now made possible
of achievement.
WIVES, MOTHERS, AND WIDOWS.
It is generally assumed that females are usually indifferent to
their industrial outlook, because they are always looking forward
to marriage. This is no reason why they should be persistently
underpaid, although it is, no doubt, one of the principal causes of
the economic plight in which so many females find themselves
from day to day. In many respects females themselves are
responsible for the freedom with which they are exploited. So
long as they live in the hope of marriage, they pay, in consequence,
less attention to reform, either in the direction of wages, hours
of labour, or factory conditions. Why that should be so is
astonishing. But it is so, and employers of labour reap the
advantage of woman's indifference to industrial welfare. Females
suffer in two ways. First of all, small earnings provide a less
opportunity of making provision for marriage; secondly, a great
number of women have to continue working even after marriage,
and others have to return to factory labour on the death of their
husbands. Women marry younger and live longer than men.
Widows become proportionately considerable; Mr. B. L. Hutchins
estimates that "something like one woman in every eight over
twenty years' old is a widow."
At any rate, marriage in working-class life does not form the
security against industrial employment as most people w^ould
assume. As a matter of fact, about one woman out of every four
females industrially employed is either a widow or a married
woman. In some trades the percentage is higher than that.
However, the number of females sccupied in England and Wales
in 1911 was 4,830,734 (compared to 11,453,665 males). Of these
females, 680,191 were married and 411,011 were widows — the
total number of married and widowed women being 1,091,202.
This amounts to nearly one-third of the total females occupied
who are twenty years of age and over. The proportion is not so
great in Scotland, where there were 593,210 girls and women
occupied in 1911. Of this number 31,465 were married, this being
5"3 per cent, of the total. There were 44,063 widows, or 7'4 per
cent, of those occupied. The age at which most females are
439
Women in Industry.
occupied in industry is from twenty to twenty-five years. Up to
forty-five years of age there are more females in employment than
there are at any group of ages below twenty. In fact, the census
of 1911 shows that there were more women returned as being
occupied at the age of fifty-five than at any age below twenty.
There is no limit to the occupational age of women. In ]911
there Were 122,532 in England and Wales working for a living at
sixty-five years of age and over. Hence, neither marriage nor
womanhood, including motherhood, is a guarantee against females
not having to enter the economic struggle in the factory, or in
domestic service, or in the labour of outworkers and charwomen.
There are 126,061 charwomen, of whom 37,441 are married and
61,720 are widows — that is, 99,161 married and widowed out of
126,061. Charwomen have increased from 111,841 in 1901, when
86,463 were married and widowed. In nearly all cases these
women are driven to this occupation because they are dependent
entirely upon their own earnings, or because they have themselves
and others to maintain, or because their husbands are infirm,
underpaid, or are the victims of vice. We may gather from the
undergoing table a knowledge of the age groups at which females
are employed as wage-earners: —
Ages. Numbers.
10 10,243
13 39,033
14 133,217
15 193,285
16 225,287
17 241,988
18 252,696
Ages. Numbers.
19 243,322
20 1,037,321
25 1,057,275
35 604,422
45 422,642
55 247,029
65 and over 122,532
Now these figures do not cover the total number of females of
adult age who are dependent upon wage-earning employment at
one time or another. Women are more irregularly employed than
men; women, owing to their duties in life, are constantly falling
out of employment for a period, and returning at a later stage.
Hence, the range of figures from which industrial women is
drawn is greater than is usually indicated by the census returns.
We may safely assume, therefore, that there is much more
necessity for young female workers fighting for improved conditions
than is generally assumed. If, marriage causes a break in their
industrial employment, family economic causes compel a fair
percentage of them to return. In some occupations the percentage
of married and widowed women is always considerable. For
instance, in the manufacture of china, earthenware, and porcelain
goods there were 25'8 per cent, of the females married when
returns were obtained in 1911. Among marriageable women the
percentage must have been much greater, as the calculation was
based upon females of all ages. In these trades the tendency has
been for the number of married females to increase. Take an
440
Women in Industry.
example. In 1901 there were 6,984 in the state of marriage and
widowhood, and 8,795 in 1911. A special inquiry made by the
Home Office in 1907 into the marriage state of women in all textile
trades revealed the fact that there were 24 per cent, of women
over eighteen years of age who were married, and 4 per cent,
widows. In non-textile factories there were 163 per cent, married
and 4'4 per cent, were widows. In the textile mills in all parts
of the United Kingdom, but mainly within a comparatively small
radius of Manchester, the married women and widows numbered
about 142,000. It has been estimated that in the cotton trade
alone about 33 per cent, of the females engaged in the various
processes are married, or are widows. The total number of married
women workers in Lancashire is 211,000.
Industry, under individualism, has displayed no chivalry
towards women. Ever since the commencement of the factory
system their industrial and domestic labours have continued to
increase. Men, at least, have had the choice of freedom, either
before or after the factory hours of the day. But this has been
denied to females, and particularly those who are married, whether
they have become mothers or evaded the duty of perpetuating the
race. It is not necessary to quote figures or to carry on any
academical investigation in proof of this, especially to anyone who
has lived among it and witnessed its appalling results among the
womanhood of our industrial populations. That it yields dire
effects upon women, upon mothers, and upon families, the victims
of this continuous strenuous life would, in too many cases, be
the last to admit. But it is because they have become blind to
their true conditions in comparison to what the life and environment
of a mother and child should be. Eaphael's "Madonna and Child"
is often presented to us as a picture of motherhood and childhood
to be imitated, with its suggestion of health, freedom, happiness,
and the sacred task of motherhood. But how is this domestic
picture to be at all realisable within the industrial cauldron of
Lancashire, with so many mothers enslaved to mill conditions from
early morning to evening, and afterwards enslaved for the night to
every call of a working-class home? This human blot upon the
wealthiest industrial county of the kingdom increases rather than
decreases. And the burden of the married woman worker is part
of the continuous strain that has. been imposed upon her as a
female throughout her youthhood. I have worked side by side
with these women, and, on the other hand, I have since had
ample opportunity of observing the girlhood and womanhood in
grades of society presumably occupying a higher economic plane.
But I have not "the space to go into the details of the daily life of
the married woman worker, with its never-ending demands upon
her wasting strength. Nor is it necessary to tr\^ to prove anything
in this respect by figures. One can rely upon experience and
observation alone. The life of the married woman is hard and
441
Women in Industry.
harsh, and not infrequently cruel, when compared with the lives
of other women who live upon incomes largely derived from the
labour of females in industry. And if I had facility for a
substantial record of proof I could, by the mere use of scissors
and paste, overload pages of this Annual with copious extracts
from a heap of examples I have cut, from time to time, from the
concrete reports of lady factory inspectors. These extracts relate
to every industrial region of the United Kingdom, whether in
connection with the manufacture of cotton in Lancashire, of
woollen in Yorkshire, of linen in Ulster, of jute in Forfarshire, of
pots in Staffordshire, of metal goods in Worcestershire, of tinplate
in Glamorganshire. And so with other trades and other places.
As I sit writing these lines I can see no less than ten females
from sixteen to twenty years of age sitting or playing in the
sunshine, gaining strength and beauty. If they were the daughters
of working men and women they would be in the factory, or the
forge, or the warehouse, wasting strength for the wealth of others.
For if there are two things I have shown in this contribution it is
the extent to which the daughters of working-class families are
employed in industry, as youths and adults, and the extent to which
they are inadequately paid, except in a comparatively few instances.
One cannot say that females must not work. It is the fashion
in these days to advocate and demand an extension of female
employment. The demand is just and necessary to the economic
requirements of working-class and lower middle-class life; and
honest work would not do the females of other classes any harm.
And one could adduce numerous facts proving that where married
women are employed in industry it is because they are compelled
to do one of two things : they must either neglect the family or
their dependents by going to the workshop, or by staying at home
they must starve themselves and their children through having no
weekly income. However, if married women have to undertake
the triple task of wage-earner, child-bearer, and mother, then it
should be the duty of society to see that their wages are just and
their conditions of labour more compatible than they are to-day
with a higher development of womanhood and motherhood. It is
not at all uncommon to see in our great textile towns the women
going to work in a morning earlier than the men employed in
engineering works, and returning home later in the evening. And
the industrial conditions of these women are more physically
exhausting and strenuous. Yet you may see these women,
especially the older ones, tramping wearily through the streets
from the mills, long after the men have reached home. Is it fair?
Is it sensible when we come to consider all things that are essential
to the welfare of working-class society? I am not putting the
case of the women from any mood of compassion. But it should
be plain enough to the man in the street even that, so long as so
many of these women have to drag themselves from the factory
442
Women in Industry.
labour to equally hard labour at home, some consideration should
be given to them that would tend to make their hoiurs of labour at
the mills less rather than more than the hours of men in mechanical
occupations. This was suggested not long ago by one of the
members of Parliament of a large manufacturing town — himself
being a millowner — but the suggestion fell on dead ground. Even
women reformers themselves paid no heed to it.
The question of women in industry raises m.any problems which
scarcely come within the scope of this article to discuss ; nor would
my space be sufficient for the purpose. But of recent years there
has been among women social workers a determination to exercise
hostility against any interference with the industrial employment
of married women. In view of the economic conditions of too
many families there is much to be said for this opposition. But
in some cases it has been carried too far, and has tended to check
the desire to prevent the publication of truthful pictures of the
reprehensible conditions of the employment of married women
and the evils arising from it. There has been a fear that if too
much is said and written about the disadvantages, attempts would
be made to put an end to the factory engagements of married
women. But the reliance upon females of all ages for the upkeep
of British manufacturing industries has now gone too far for such
a sweeping action to be enforced. Take the processes of the
preparing, spinning, and weaving of cotton goods. If one were to
prevent married women working at these occupations it would
almost completely disorganise the cotton industry, reduce its
present supremacy, and stifle its future progress. But that should
not be permitted to stand in the way of any exposure of
the objectionable conditions of these women's employment.
Condemnation should be utilised to prepare and enforce improve-
ments. If married women were turned away from the mills of
Lancashire it would minimise female operatives to the extent of
one-third of the total number. Unless they were replaced by
males the industry would be partially ruined. Nevertheless, it
has been contended of recent years that the employment of mothers
in factories does not result in heavy infantile mortahty and neglect
of children that survive the first twelve months' existence. This
attitude has been adopted in order to arrest any campaign for the
abolition of the married woman as an industrial worker. But,
whatever may be the slaughter of innocents in other counties,
we are still face to face with the fact that Lancashire, which
employs more married women in factories than any other area in
the kingdom, has the greatest annual death-roll of babies. In a
shaded map of infantile mortality recently issued by the Local
Government Board the darkest spot was that of Lancashire. The
next blackest patches were other industrial regions in England
and Wales. And of twenty-five of the towns with the largest
death-rates of children below the age of one year ten were in
443
Women in Industry.
Lancashire, and six others in industrial towns near the borders
of this over-strenuous industrial county. And one must add to
this yearly list of dead children the number of miscarriages brought
about through industrial employment. For proof of this read the
reports of lady factory inspectors for the past few years. I have
seen pregnant women in the pottery manufactories of Staffordshire
climbing tables and ladders with heavy weights, and in ihat way
endangering their own lives and the lives of their unborn children.
The result is that miscarriage is not at all infrequent in these
towns where china and earthenware goods are manufactured.
Many a woman ''with child," in industrial districts, has been
advised to seek factory employment if she desired to get "rid
of it." These are incontrovertible facts, which have been recently
lessened not so much by an improvement in the actual factory
conditions as by the beneficent effects of the maternity allowances
in the National Insurance Act. But they still exist to an extent
that should induce us never to tire of seeking advancement in two
ways respecting the employment of females in industry: — (1) By
increased wages to enable expectant mothers to secure rest and
leisure when they most need them; (2) by special consideration
being given to the usual working hours of women, and their
industrial conditions. These achievements are not only essential
to married women, but to all women during the age of potential
motherhood — say, between the ages of fifteen and thirty-five. We
know that, by the application of advanced sanitation, mfantile
mortality can be reduced. But, when all that has been done, in
the districts in which women are mostly employed after marriage
the child death-rate would remain the largest; the latest figures
issued by the Local Government Board verify this, and they relate
to the years from 1907 to 1910. In industrial towns the average
deaths per thousand of those born were less than they had been at
any time previously, since the industrial revolution had turned
women from the fields or the domestic workshop. It is gratifying
to observe this reduction; but the fact remains that by far the
highest rates are always to be found in crowded industrial areas
where women are numerously employed in factories. Burnley,
the greatest cotton manufacturing town in Europe, has the most
occupied women — and the highest infantile mortality in Great
Britain !
SUGGESTED REMEDIES.
The one thing I am conscious of in the foregoing pages is the
omission of numerous examples I might have given in proof of the
audacious manner m which women have been economically
exploited and made to serve the purpose of cheap labour. In view
of the innumerableness of the facts this has been impossible.
But from the statements I have made, and the figures I have
reproduced from authoritative sources, it will be seen that the
444
Women in Industry.
questions arising around the conditions of women workers form
one of the gravest and one of the most pressing problems of the
day. This is emphasised by the truth that there is a steadily
growing determination to improve the circumstances of women
workers concerning wages, hours of labour, respectful treatment,
health, and sanitation. Generally, their phght at present can be
only briefly described as degrading.
But in what way are remedies to be sought? Mainly, perhaps,
by the adoption of methods similar to those which have been used
by men — namely, trade union organisation and political action.
At present, however, women lack both forces. They are most
inadequately organised, and they have no political power through
the ballot-box — that is, of a national character. There is another
method by which the actual conditions of their labour can be
improved ; that is, by the supervision and influence of lady factory
inspectors; but in this respect, as in others, they are insufficiently
served. The present female inspectors perform their duties
admirably; and only those who read their reports from year to
year can have anything like a fair idea of the amount of good
work they are constantly effecting. But they are not numerous
enough.
Eeverting to trade unionism, women's position is w^eak. They
look forw^ard to the marriage union rather than to trade unionism.
One can hardly say why they should take this view in face of the
vast numbers of adult women always in industrial employment.
Perhaps they have never yet realised the greatness of this number,
but still nurse the fond hope that female industrial employment
ceases with marriage. But this is a delusion. Anyhow, if we
take the latest returns concerning trade unionists issued by the
Board of Trade, we shall see that at the end of 1913 there were
3,993,769 members of trade unions. Of this number there were
only 356,763 females. This was an increase from 129,084 in
1904; so that, until quite recently, women in a sense were even
not amenable to organisation. However, as the figures now stand,
nearly three-quarters of them are females connected with textile
trades, the textile membership being 258,732. A further look
into the figures show^s us that even in the textile trades 212,534, or
60 per cent., of the female trade unionists are employed in the
cotton trade alone. Hence, of the total number of female trade
unionists in the United Kingdom, amounting to 356,763, the
cotton trade itself claims 212,534. Now this is significant; for
in this centre of female trade unionism we get the best economic
conditions and the most attention to labour considerations. If
you will return to the tables I have given of women's wages
you will perceive how far females in the cotton trade stand at the
top. Their outstanding position is more pronounced to-day than
it was at any period covered by my figures. Advances have been
gained through trade union action. The wages of 16,000 ring
445
Womeji hi Industry.
spinners, for instance, have been granted increases of recent date
varying from Is. to 5s. per week. But another striking condition
that accompanies the strong trade unionism of females in the cotton
industry is that female cotton operatives are the only females
employed in industrial occupations who are paid the same rates
of wages as men are paid for the same class of work. Even in
the sister woollen industry women do not enjoy this right. Hence,
the remedy for women's wrongs through trade unionism is an
effective one.
It is, perhaps, not the proper place here to suggest that the
finest remedy for the wrongs of women workers would be a
universal system of co-operative capital and labour. But there is
much to be said in its favour. We have gained some idea from
the foregoing pages of how women workers are treated, for
instance, in establishments outside the co-operative movement.
Co-operation, of course, has not yet attained immeasurable heights
in this respect. There are, in fact, still some local co-operative
societies, controlled even by trade unionists, that are as laggard as
some of the worst private employers of labour in their economic
treatment of their female servants. They are not performing their
duty neither to the cause nor to their generation. But let us turn
to the Co-operative Wholesale Society, which we may regard as
the largest co-operative trading concern in the world. We may
obtain from the treatment of women workers under the C.W.S.
an example of what can be achieved by sound democratic action
and control. To some extent I must apologise for occupying space
with details of wages in the Co-operative Wholesale movement,
because it may seem to many readers like carrying coals to
Newcastle. But I want to state the co-operative case briefly to
form a contrast with examples of wages I have tabulated
concerning women outside. And it is essential that we should
remember that the fixed minimum scale of wages regarding
female workers under the C.W.S. is, in many cases, paid to a
class of workers wlio, outside the co-operative movement, are
included among those who are rewarded with the most abominably
low wages I have quoted in this article. These females are to
be found in the shirt-making trade, in the manufactory of jam,
confectionery, tobacco, &c. And so on. We must remember that
in many occupations females' earnings do not average more than
5s. to 7s. 6d. a week; yet for a similar class of work the C.W.S.
apply their minimum scale.
What is this minimum scale to which the C.W.S. have been
bound by the body politic of the members who constitute their
shareholders (mostly working men and women), and which must
be paid to females employed in any capacity whatever? It is as
follows : —
Age ..
Wage.
14
5/-
15 16
7/- 9/-
446
17
11/-
18
13/-
19
15/-
20
17/-
Women in Industry.
The Co-operative Wholesale Society are large employers. The
number of females employed at the various works and departments
is 7,350. These comprise 3,830 day-workers and 3,520 piece-
workers. Regarding the position of wages, the following
summarised account has been supplied: —
(a) Female Employes other than Piece-workers.
The whole of these are now receiving wages at not less than
the Congress minimum scale of wages.
(b) Piece-workers.
The "log list" is now fixed on such a basis as will enable at
least 85 per cent, to earn not less than the scale rate mentioned.
According to the last return prepared in connection with this
matter, the number of females receiving wages in excess of the
minimum scale rate was 2,950, the approximate amount being
£18,000 per annum.
It may be mentioned that the health and comfort of all the
workers have had the first consideration, as will be seen from the
following, viz. : —
1. Good healthy workrooms.
2. Trade union wages in every case where trade unions exist.
3. Best wages in districts where no trade unions exist.
4. Short hours of labour (5,400 females working forty-eight
hours or less per week).
5. Payment for time absent through sickness and holidays to
those on fixed wages, and who are not paid for overtime.
6. Overalls provided for females in certain packing departments.
7. Commodious dining-rooms, with meals at reasonable prices.
8. Facilities for recreation and entertainment.
9. Annual picnic, with a grant for each employe attending.
10. Thrift fund, which is generously subsidised by the society.
Practically the wages and conditions that obtain in the English
Co-operative Wholesale Society's works also obtain in the factories
and workshops of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society.
It is quite true that many private employers are not unmindful of
the provision of healthy conditions and good wages for their female
employes. But, generally speaking, the circumstances of women in
industry are not to be compared with those under the charge of the
two great Co-operative Wholesale Societies. I will say no more
about that here, except that I speak from a wide experience of
women workers in the factories and workshops of the United
Kingdom.
My task of trying to indicate the numerical growth of women
in industry, and the ignominious rewards granted to females for
industrial service, must now be drawn to a conclusion. The
numerical advance will continue. Low wages must be increased.
447
Women in Industry.
Doubtlessly, with the numerical development, fresh domestic
problems and new social sentiments will arise. New legislation
will be enforced by the organisation of women workers in trade
union and political objects. But no matter whatever be woman's
advance in industrial or professional directions, she must be also
the child-bearer of the race, if the race is to be perpetuated. So
far as the advance of woman has proceeded in wage-earning
occupations, no specific attempt has yet been made to combine on
anything like ideal lines her industrial conditions with the
necessities associated with her maternal functions. In many cases
she works harder and longer hours than men, and is invariably
paid much less in wages. But, just as bad social, economic, and
industrial circumstances of young men tend to render them less
efficient as fathers, or soldiers, so the depressing conditions of
female workers make them less proficient as mothers or bearers of
the nation's children. Society itself reaps the soiled fruit of its
own sowing. Heretofore, women in industry have been the
victims of gross injustice and selfish profit-seeking. Our object,
however, should not be to banish them from occupational positions,
but to improve their industrial conditions and make these more
compatible with the requirements of healthy womanhood, strong
motherhood, noble citizenship. Our policy should be freedom of
choice for both sexes, with, such capital and labour conditions that
would help to make that freedom a blessing rather than a danger
to mankind.
448
Our National Wealth : The Conditions
of its Continuance.
BY L. G. CHIOZZA MONEY, M.P.
I. Of the' Three Nations who Lead Industry.
OUE British State has reached in the second decade of the
twentieth century a point in its development and in its
relation to the world at large at which it will be well for
its future if those responsible for its governance take stock of the
national undertaking and weigh carefully the conditions which
have raised Britain to her present position and the measures which
are necessary to secure the material future of the British people.
It is my purpose here to trace, in broad outlines the circumstances
which have made Britain what she is, and to show in their true
perspective the factors which constitute our strength or our
weakness. We shall be concerned with fundamental matters,
some of which are within our control, while others, unfortunately,
are quite beyond it. We shall see that, in one sense, it is as
difficult for a nation to become wealthy by taking thought as for a
man to add a cubit to his stature. Nevertheless, within the
practical possibilities of human effort, we shall see that there is
much that may be done and, indeed, much that must be done to
safeguard the material welfare of the people of the British Isles
and to fit them to remain the head and front of a great Empire.
Let us begin by observing that it is by no means a matter of
chance that the people of the world, regarded as a whole, are to
be found collected together in great groups in certain areas. In
ancient days the distribution of the world's population was largely
conditioned by the difficulties of locomotion. In modern times
the railway and the steamship, combined with a growing knowledge
of the world's surface, have made it possible for the people of the
most advanced races to settle in naturally rich areas. In our
day millions of people transplant themselves in. the world in the
course of a single year, and before the world is very much older
claims will have been pegged out in all the world's choicest spots
by enterprising emigrants. What is it, under these conditions,
that decides the distribution of population in -the world? The
answer is that there are two great factors. The first is Fertility,
and the second is Power. The great areas of virgin soil in the
HH 449
Our Natioyial Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
New World draw upon the teeming agricultural populations of
old countries, and we see some poor peasant from Galicia or
Tuscany taking up a free grant of land on the Western Prairie.
More potent still as a factor in attracting and hoJding population
is a country's natural gifts in point of power. These, when a
country is fortunate enough to possess them, afford the means of
creating wealth in enormous quantities and to support at a high
standard of comfort great and prosperous populations. The fact
that three countries of the world — two of them, the United
Kingdom and the German Empire, old civilisations, and one, the
United States of America, a "new" country — lead the world in
point of wealth production is due to their, possession in an
extraordinary degree of the main source of the chief means of
power production at present known to mankind, viz., Coal. By
virtue of their magnificent coal-mines these three nations are able
to manufacture upon a large scale under the most favourable
conditions. Other nations are handicapped in competition by their
inferior resources, and have, indeed, in respect of many great
industries, no chance to compete on level terms with the three
industrial leaders.
To realise the extraordinary predominance in coal production
of the three countries named, let us consider the world's coal
output in 1912, the latest year for which we have particulars
available for all countries. Here are the curious and significant
facts of the case:- —
THE world's coal PRODUCTION IN 1912.
(The figures include the inferior brown coal known as lignite.)
Tons.
United States 477,000,000
United Kingdom 260,000,000
Germany 253,000,000
990,000,000
All the rest of the World 210.000,000
All the World 1,200,000,000
Nature, it will be seen, has been anything but impartial in her
distribution of a most important world asset. With all the world
producing, in 1912, 1,200,000,000 tons of coal, we see that
America, Britain, and Germany produced between them
990,000,000 tons, or over 82 per cent, of the whole. To put it
more simply still, the three great coal nations produced between
them more than eight out of every ten tons of coal produced in
all the world. It is impossible to argue with facts like that; they
are too hard to be resisted by the nations who have not the fortune
450
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
to be great coal countries. In trades demanding the use of large
quantities of cheap power it is impossible for France to contend
with England, or for Holland or Italy to contend with Germany.
II. The Rise of Britain as an Industrial Power.
The rise of Britain to eminence in industry and trade was the
result of the discovery by a few gifted men of the means to utilise
<;oal power. It is indeed strange that for so many centuries coal
had remained for practical purposes unused in these islands, and
that not until the eighteenth century did anyone take sufficient
thought upon the extraordinary heat-producing qualities of coal
and the common and visible phenomenon of the boiling of water.
The world had to wait so long for thoughtful men to consider
these things that it might easily have had to w^ait a century or
two longer. It is a curious thought that we ow^e to a few persons
the facile printing of these w^ords by power machinery in 1914.
When the very obvious powers of heat and steam at last thrust
themselves upon the thinker, Britain was enabled to make use of
the wealth which she had all along possessed during long centuries
of poverty.
We hardly realise to-day how short a remove separates us
from the poor Britain with a stagnant population. The year 1750
was only one hundred and sixty-five years ago, or, as nearly as
possible, five generations — the days of our gi^andfathers' great-
-grandfathers. In 1750 all England and Wales, which now
contains over thirty-six million people, had a population of little
more than six millions, while what is now the United Kingdom,
with a population of about forty-six millions of people, contained
about ten-and-a-half millions of people. And not only was the
Britain of five generations ago poor in point of numbers; the
almost stagnant population lived at a very low standard of life,
and the main occupation of the people was a poor agriculture.
Industries were few and unprogressive. A big iron industry was
impossible, for we had no timber left with which to smelt iron,
and the little iron produced in the world was naturally produced
in the North of Europe, where there was plenty of good timber
to make charcoal. We could in no better way illustrate the
poverty of the world as a whole at that day, and the comparative
poverty of Britain in that poor world, than by pointing out that
in the middle of the eighteenth century the entire world produced
about one hundred thousand tons of iron and that England
contributed about fifteen thousand tons to that very poor total.
Iron is man's chief tool, and when the world had very little ii'on
it was necessarily poor. The chief English industry in the middle
of the eighteenth century was the woollen trade, but it was a
poor thing at the best, and the English manufacturers had to
send their cloths to the Continent to be dyed and finished for lack
of the knowledge and skill which existed elsewhere.
451
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
When. coal was made to yield its power, and we discovered
how to get it in great quantities and to use it to advantage, the
currents of British endeavour were almost completely changed.
In 1750 Abraham Darby discovered how to smelt iron with coal,
and that fact changed Britain from one of the least of the iron
countries to one of the greatest, giving her a lead in the iron
manufacture which she was destined to hold for many years. In
the same year James Watt began his wonderful work with the
steam engine. When coal power was realised, and when plentiful
quantities of iron came to be produced cheaply, invention was
given a great impetus. The age of machinery was ushered in,
and production by power began. Towards the end of the eighteenth
century the factory system was established. The country which
at the middle of the eighteenth century had had for several
generations an almost stagnant population began to increase by
leaps and bounds. Between 1700 and 1750 the population of
England and Wales grew by no more than about 500,000 people;
in the next fifty years the population increased by about 50 per
cent., numbering about nine millions in 1801. We may regard
the middle of the eighteenth century as a turning-point in British
progress. Before that date Britain was an agricultural country
largely exporting food and materials and importing manufactures.
After that date Britain began to draw upon the world for materials
to work with the great sources of power which she possessed in
her coal-mines, and where before she had imported manufactures
she began to export and to build up a great foreign trade in the
products of her new coal-based industries.
III. How Our Forty- six Million People Live.
Production by power, which, as we have seen, began in the
eighteenth century, made rapid progress in the nineteenth century.
Whereas in 1801 the total population of the United Kingdom was
15,500,000, one-half of that number having been added in the
last fifty years of the eighteenth century, at the end of the
nineteenth century the British Isles had a population of over
forty-one millions, a figure which has now risen to over forty-six
millions. The same isles, which so recently found it difficult to
sustain a small population even upon terms of an almost universal
poverty, are now the home of a population so great that it
scarcely notices the sailing of hundreds of thousands of emigrants
in a single year. It is very important that we should clearly
understand the economy which sustains so great a population in
so small an area. The conditions of our existence are exceedingly
complex, and it is not difficult, therefore, for a man in our modern
days to be a cog in the great machine without understanding either
his own position or that of the great working machine of which
he forms an insignificant part.
452
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
The United Kingdom is naturally a poor country save in respect
of the gifts of its people, its geographical position, and its
extraordinarily good stores of mineral fuel. We may sum up
our first-class material possessions in two words — Coal and
Seaboard. If we consider the materials with which our work is
done we realise how true is this broad generalisation. Whether
we regard metals, or timber, or textile materials, or hides and
skins, or such miscellaneous materials as rubber and asbestos,
we find that our native supplies are either inferior or altogether
lacking. As to native metals, only iron and tin are of any
consequence ; of such important metals as copper, lead, and zinc
we have negligible supplies. As to timber, it is our own fault
that we have not good native supplies, and the nation vainly waits
for an enterprising Government to establish the great State
forests we ought to have. As to many materials, such as cotton,
jute, rubber, &c., we are altogether dependent upon oversea
supplies, while as to wool, hides, skins, and many other things,
it is quite impossible for us to raise in these islands more than a
small part of the enormous quantities required to maintain the
manufacturing industries which are based upon them. Our
natural poverty in industrial materials has to be atoned for by
doing work to earn supplies of them from abroad. Hence our
great export trade. We manufacture for the export market, and
earn in exchange for the manufactured products we send out the
foods and materials which we do not, or cannot, produce at home.
As to food, be it observed, we raise at home about one-half of our
consumption of the kinds of food which can be raised in our
climate; the other half we earn by our export trade.
But let the conditions of the successful conduct of this
national economy be carefully observed. We are able to prosecute
successful manufacturing because we have in our little Britain
magnificent stores of fuel which in no case are situate more
than about one hundred miles from the sea, and are often actually
adjacent to tide water. Good coal thus situated means Cheap
Power, and Cheap Power means the command of raw materials.
A good coal-mine well situated acts upon industries like a
magnet. Eaw materials are drawn to the coal, because near the
coal they can be most successfully worked upon. Coal is so
heavy and bulky that its carriage is a very costly matter, and it
does not pay, in the general case, to take coal to materials as well
as it pays to take materials to coal. It will be understood,
therefore, what a peculiar advantage it is to a nation to possess
such good coal as ours, and especially to have that coal not far
from good ports, so that raw materials can be brought from any
port of the world just to the place where they can be best used.
Now we have the British economy in a nutshell. With
cheap, well-situated coal as a base, large-scale manufacturing is
453
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
successfully conducted chiefly upon foreign materials. With part
of the manufactures produced the imports are paid for without
which we could not exist in these islands as a great people.
It should also be observed that British shipping, as well as
British manufacturing industry, owes its present position to the
coal asset. If we consider the kinds of goods we bring in, and
compare them with the kinds of goods we send out, we see that
the foods and raw materials which we have to import are bulky
or heavy or both, whereas the goods we send out are chiefly
manufactured articles, which, pound's worth for pound's worth,
take up much less room in a ship than foods or raw materials. It
follows, therefore, that, so far as our imports of food and materials
on the one hand and our exports of manufactured goods on the
other hand are concerned, we need many ships for our imports
and fewer ships for our exports. That is awkward for shipping,
because it means full cargoes inwards and many ships compelled
to go out in ballast for lack of a cargo. Fortunately for British
shipping, our coal redresses the balance, coal exports furnishing
a heavy and bulky outward cargo, which compensates the
shipowner. As coal exports have been increasingly needed with
the growth of steamships to maintain coaling stations abroad, the
coal export trade, by furnishing good outward cargoes, has helped
to build up British shipping and make it profitable.
It will be understood, then, how all-important to the United
Kingdom is its coal supply, and if we desire to understand what
the loss of coal would mean to Britain we have only to turn to
those parts of the United Kingdom which lack coal, such as
Ireland, or such English counties as Norfolk or Oxfordshire or
Wiltshire. These coal-less parts of the country we find to be
poor and with an inferior standard of wages. So true it is that
m our modern days a district without a power supply is sorely
handicapped in the production of wealth.
Without the magic influence of our wonderful natural power
stores it would be impossible for forty-six millions of people to
live in these islands except upon conditions of great poverty.
It is upon manufacturing and the commerce arising out of it that
the majority of our people live, and if the secret of coal had not
been discovered, or if our power supply had been as poor as that
of France, there would not be twenty millions of people living
in these islands at the present time.
IV. The Eise of Foreign Competition.
In the early years of British coal development we had things
all our own way. As has been pointed out above, there are only
two other white countries in the world which possess coal resources
comparable with our own, but neither of these countries was in
454
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Contintiance.
a position to utilise their power in the early days when we began
to smelt iron with coal and to use steam-driven machinery.
The United States, of course, lacked population, and it was
not until 1860 that the United States, which will soon have one
hundred millions of people, had a population of thirty -one millions.
Iron was not smelted with coal in the United States until 1840,
or ninety years after Abraham Darby successfully performed the
feat in England. The ultimate destiny of the United States was
well understood by competent observers two generations ago.
The American coal is infinitely superior to our own, or, indeed,
to that of any other country in the world, and it was certain,
therefore, that as soon as she had sufficient population she would
be able to surpass us easily in production. That has proved to
be the case, and at the present time America produces in a year
about three times as much iron as is produced in the United
Kingdom. America, however, has not become a great exporter
of manufactures. There are two reasons for this. The first is
that she has gained people so rapidly through the two factors
which we have seen to be the determinants of population — fertility
and power — that she has been engaged in building up within her
own borders the material framework of a great new civiHsation.
Most of the goods she has produced have been needed by her
own rapidly multiplying people. She has herself many of the
raw materials which we have to import. She is the greatest iron
country, the greatest lead country, the greatest oil country, the
greatest copper country in the world. She needs imports, but
she has not the imperative need of Britain. Also, she has practised
a restrictive commercial policy which has prevented her in obtaining
a great hold upon foreign markets. She will, however, be a much
greater competitor in the future.
As to Germany, we have but to remind ourselves of her history
to understand why it was that her gifted people were doing so
little during the early period of British industrial development.
While Britain, the island power, protected from invasion by her
Navy, was undergoing the industrial revolution and busily building
up industries and wealth to sustain a greatly increased population,
Germany was not merely divided but was, during a long period
of years, a theatre of war. Her people, under their many rulers,
were often politically divided, and until quite recent years
commercially divided by hostile tariffs, different systems of
coinage and of weights and measures. It was not until the
formation of the German Empire, under the leadership of the
Prussian King as German Kaiser, that Germany, less than
forty-five years ago, won the peaceful internal conditions w^hich
enabled her to apply her great gifts to her fine resources. \Yhen
at last she was free to devote her energies to the arts of peace,
coal power soon did for Germany what at an earlier period it
455
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
did for Britain. It built up fine industries which, backed by
education and scientific research, have carried Germany with
incredible swiftness to the position of the second export
manufacturing country.
Neither America nor Germany could have done so much
without the aid of the natural resources which have been the
secret of our own success in modern times. If we again turn to
the remarkable figures as to the world's coal output given on a
previous page, we understand that, while it needed intelligence
and skill to develop natural resources, each of the three leading
industrial nations owes its position to the great and peculiar
advantage of a magnificent coal supply. By taking thought a
nation can add to the physical well-being and to the culture of
its people, but it cannot add a single ounce to its native stores of
minerals. Skill and intelligence are needed to make the most of
any country, but that cannot atone for lack of natural resources ;
indeed, the recorded history of the world shows that where skill
and intelligence are possessed by any race that race migrates in
search of the best natural resources that it knows of in the world.
The building up of a nation of nearly one hundred millions of
people in the United States is a major illustration of the fact.
The great American people is a heterogeneous collection of
enterprising persons of all races (or the descendants of these) who
have had the courage to leave their native lands in search of the
virgin fertility and the power afforded by cheap fuel. Always in
comparing nation with nation we ought to remember the profound
principles of which I have spoken, and yet how often they are
completely neglected.
V. British Wealth as It Is.
By reason of the economy we have considered in broad outline
the great British population has accumulated capital roundly
estimated to be worth about sixteen thousand milHon pounds
(£16,000,000,000), and enjoys an annual income of not less than
two thousand one hundred million pounds (£2,100,000,000).
These figures appear enormous when thus written down on paper,
but let it not be forgotten that they refer to over forty-six millions
of people.
Even the smallest affairs of a great people bulk largely in the
aggregate, and we shall do well not to allow ourselves to be
dazzled by hundreds or thousands of millions when we are
considering tens of millions of people. It needs an enormous
amount of food in the aggregate to supply even a starvation diet
to forty-six millions of men, women, and children; it needs an
enormous amount of capital in the aggregate to house them ever
so poorly; it needs an enormous income in the aggregate merely
to provide them with the barest comforts. If we want to view
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Our National Wealth: the Conditions of its Continuance.
the facts I have given in a proper perspective let us consider our
national income of about £2,100,000,000 for what it is as the
aggregate year's fund of these people for all purposes, i.e., for
maintaining the central and local governments, for repairing and
renewing old capital, for adding new capital, and for current
consumption. When we divide £2,100,000,000 by forty-six
million people, we see that it works out at about £45 per head,
or about £225 per family of five persons. And that £225 average
per family is not, as I have remarked, available for current
consumption; it has to furnish national and civic needs, repair
old capital, and supply new capital. Our national peace
expenditure (less the Post Ofi&ce outgo which is not really
expenditure) is now (1914), in round figures, £180,000,000, while
local expenditure out of rates is about £80,000,000. If we suppose
no more than £340,000,000 to be saved for capital purposes in
a year we have £600,000,000 to deduct from the £2,100,000,000
to arrive at the yearly sum available for personal expenditure,
reducing the £2,100,000,000 to £1,500,000,000, or less than £33
per head. That being the average per head, need we wonder, in
view of the bad and inequitable distribution of what income there
is, that there is so much poverty in our midst?
As a matter of fact, the national income of £2,100,000,000 is
so inequitably distributed that about one-half of it has to serve
the needs of forty million people, while the other half is taken,
approximately, by the remaining six million people. We may
sum up the facts as to income by saying that the national income
is surprisingly small in view of the powers of production conferred
upon us by modern science and invention, and that what income
there is is very badly distributed.
Let us turn to the national capital, which we have said is
approximately £16,000,000,000. Much of this (about one-fourth
of the whole) is invested in British possessions and foreign
countries, producing income for the well-to-do persons who own
it. The remainder (about £12,000,000,000) represents the
commercial valuation of British land, and all our farms, mines,
quarries, railways, canals, tramways, docks, harbours, warehouses,
offices, houses, shops, roads, sewers, lighting systems. Government
buildings, stores, military and naval plant and material, telegraphs,
telephones, &c. Apart from land value, we may perhaps put
the British capital employed within the British Isles at somethi4g
less than £10,000,000,000. What does that amount to for forty-
six millions of people? To about £200 per head, or -to about
£1,000 for each British family.
Again we are struck, not with the magnitude, but with the
paucity of the figure. It is astonishing that, after all these years
of manufacturing by power and of producing wealth with tie aid
of scientific apphances, the British capital employed at home for
each British family, including every sort and kind of capital,
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
should amount to no more than about £1,000. In these days it
takes £1,000 to build thoroughly well a small comfortable house.
What a flood of light this single consideration throws upon wealth
as it is. How clearly it appears that we have not very much to
be proud of in what we have so far accomplished. There ought
to be far more capital employed in our country, and an enormous
addition is needed merely for one purpose, and one purpose alone —
the housing of our people in beautiful and comfortable dwellings.
The ancient and proper meaning of wealth is well-being. If
we rate British wealth in relation to that true and proper meaning,
how much we have to deplore. Our cities are, for the most part,
collections of ugly, uncomfortable, and crowded buildings, which
rob their inmates of health, while they deprive them of the proper
enjoyment of some of those things in life which are best worth
having and which are not to be bought for any price whatever.
If we walk in the streets of our great towns, and examine the
contents of the shops, we realise that for the most part our
manufacturing activities are directed to turning out knowingly
rubbish for the consumption of persons who cannot afford to pay
for well-made articles to which good material has been devoted.
If we observe streets in their work-a-day aspect we realise that
the majority of our people are ill-clad, and that no small proportion
of them bear visible traces of physical deterioration. If we listen
to the accents of the children we realise that an enormous
proportion of them have not even been given the opportunity to
learn to speak properly their own beautiful language.
There is, of course, an intimate connection between wealth
in the corrupted sense of material property and wealth in the true
sense of well-being. But it is a curious fact that the blind pursuit
of wealth regardless of well-being has its own punishment, not
only in the loss of the latter, but even in the loss of the power to
produce material things. It was the failure of Britain in the late
eighteenth century and in the nineteenth century to understand
this truth which gave us the physical deterioration of our day,
and stultified wealth production so successfully that we have
attained to no more than the poor product which we have examined.
Because the pursuers of wealth in our manufacturing centres forgot
that the lives they employed to produce goods were the true
wealth of the nation, our cities arose in ugliness and'squalour,
those who built and controlled them having no conception of the
fact that they were sacrificing the chief form of property that
mattered. There would have been no difficulty in building up
beautiful and healthy cities instead of ugly and unhealthy ones,
and if the proper course had been taken the beauty and healthiness
would have reacted upon the mass of the people, and to-day the
stature, the physical powers, and the aptitude for labour of the
people would be enormously greater, and their output of material
wealth enormously more than it is now.
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
VI. The Comparative Failure of Production.
If we relate production as it is to production as it was before
manufacturing by power arose, then we get an exaggerated view
of modern accomplishment. The world of 1750 had little or no
iron to work with. When all the nations had between them a
ridiculous 100,000 tons of iron with which to work, how could
wealth production be expected? The conditions of to-day must
be judged and weighed, not by comparing them with the days
when modern science had not arisen; they must be judged in
relation to the powers we possess. It is as idle to compare
production now with production in 1750 as to excuse the poor
product of an adult and healthy man by pointing out that it is
very much greater than that of an infant. Our modern civilisation
must be judged by reference to the magnificent equipment of gi'eat
and fruitful ideas which have been placed at its disposal by its
clever men.
To-day the production of wealth by methods unprotected by
patents and open to everyone to use has become a mere matter
of simple routine. The production of material commodities of all
kinds by clever machines and appliances is little more than child's
play. "All can grow the flowers now, for all have got the seed."
Why, then, are there not more flowers? What stands in the way
of a full and adequate production of houses and furnishings, of
clothes and boots, of instruments of sport and pleasure, of books
and pictures — of the thousand and one things which go to the
equipment of a cultured existence? That is the supremely
important question which every intelligent person should ponder.
If we inquire into the application of inventions it is not
difficult to find an answer to the question that has been propounded.
We find at every point that known processes and inventions are
either partly applied or ill applied. We find that, although
wood-working machinery has been brought to such beauty of
perfection, it is quite an easy thing to construct sound and beautiful
furniture cheaply. The greater part of the small amount of
furniture actually produced is sheer rubbish, known to be rubbish
by the people who make it. We find that, while weaving
machinery is as wonderful and as perfect as wood -working
machinery, a large proportion of looms in the woollen and worsted
trades are deliberately and knowingly applied to the production of
inferior and shoddy goods, one-eighth of the material used in the
British woollen and worsted industries being shoddy. We find
that, while the making of boots merely consists of the running of
a number of clever machines to produce the various parts at an
astonishingly rapid rate, it is only the minority of the people of
our country who are supplied with decent footwear made out of
good material. No matter at what point we examine production
as it is, we find an astounding and deplorable contrast between,
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continua7ice.
on the one hand, what are beautiful and wonderfully clever and
rapid and simple methods of production, and, on the other hand,
a poor, attenuated, and rubbishy product. It is not the machines
that are at fault; it is the misuse of the machines by commerce
as it is. And can we be surprised that it is so ? How is production
managed, controlled, ordered? How do people find themselves
engaged in it at this • moment ? There is no proper control or
organisation. The entire mass of output is the product of chance,
qualified by the pursuit of individual gain. No one sets out to
make clothes for the British people. No one embarks upon the
enterprise of making boots for the British people. No one orders
or directs these or any other similar functions. As to the masters,
here or there some individual thinks he perceives an opening for
gain, and follows that opening blindly with necessarily imperfect
information. He has to proceed in competition with other persons
no better informed than himself, and whose object is the same
as his object, which is not to produce the best goods to serve the
best purpose, but to make as much profit for himself individually
as he possibly can. It is mere chance whether, at any given
moment, an opportunity is taken up. The class which supplies
more or less enterprising units of partial and imperfect command
is notoriously badly educated in commercial and industrial method,
the nation being content to leave such matters as much to chance
as it leaves the ordering and control of the great ideas which might
be its fairest and most fruitful inheritance.
Or turn to the unit of industry, the humble private in the
ranks. How does he enter the game? The answer is that he
is not even dealt a single card. H6 sits at the table of Chance
blindfold. He is trained to be at the mercy of the world into
which he has to enter, as a rule, at thirteen years of age, when he
is only just entering upon that period of physiological and
psychological development which makes true education possible.
Uninstructed and helpless, he passes out from the elementary
school to enter humbly some industry or occupation. If he is a
child in London or one of the many residential towns of our
country his case is parlous indeed, for there are few real industries
in them in which he can even be a useful cog. In such places
we see him becoming not even a blind instrument in the use of
splendid ideas, but a mere shopboy, or door opener, or billiard
marker, or vanboy — a unit which may become at the best a shop
assistant, or unskilled labourer, or lift attendant, or ticket puncher,
or carman, or something of that kind, and which at the worst
develops into a hanger-on, a loafer, a lounger at street corners.
If, more happily, the child is born in a mining village, a cotton
city, a pottery town, a hardware centre, a boot -town, then at
thirteen years of age, or even at twelve as a half-timer, he
naturally follows the footsteps of his father and passes into the
local industry if there is room for him, with the glorious prospect
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
of working in a single groove while he retains health and the
power to work, and while employment is good. How do the great
ideas and inventions appeal to him? What chance has he to
take part in the direction or the use of the wonderful ideas, some
little phases of which are commonplaces of his life ? What chance
has a boy in a boot factory to think of boot-making as a wonderful
art, and of how it might be exercised to make good boots for a
big population? In the ordinary case the worker in the modern
factory has work presented to him as a dull and deadening routine.
Work which is so necessary, and which might be so noble, comes
to be regarded not as a part of hfe, but as a subtraction from life.
While a man works, that is not Life — that is something to be
tolerated until the siren announces the moment of cessation.
Whoever else is to blame, we cannot blame the unenlightened
unit of industry for the poor products of labour in our time. The
average working man is merely clay in the hands of the potter.
He is given work to do, and he does it. It is not his to reason
why. Let us imagine, if we can, what would become of the
working man who asked intelligent questions as to what he was
doing — as to either its propriety, its usefulness, or its timeliness.
The average working man is lucky to get work, and he knows it.
If he as much as dreamed of questioning the conduct of industry,
or the quality of the materials given him, or the commercial
methods of his firm, I shudder to think what would become of his
wife and family.
The remarkable records of the census of production, conducted
in the year 1907, show clearly in detail tTie poverty of production
which results from our poor use of science. The factory value of
the entire produce of our mines, quarries, mills, factories, and
workshops, apart from the value of the materials employed by
them, is roundly £712,000,000. (The products are sold for much
more, because of the fictitious values added by our wasteful and
clumsy distributive system.) The census of production is nothing
short of an indictment of competitive industry.
VII. Thj:' Waste OF Labour.
The tremendous fact which is brought out by the census of
production is that of our working population a curiously small
proportion is engaged in the direct production of material
commodities. The misdirection of labour is so great that the work,
not of thousands or of hundreds of thousands, but of milHons,
is poured out in waste as though water were spilled upon sand.
In the United Kingdom at this moment we have about twenty
million men, women, boys, and girls who are engaged in what
the census calls "occupations for gain." That is to say, they are
either really or nominally earning their livings for remuneration
large or small. How many of these twenty million persons are
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
employed by our mines, quarries, mills, factories, and workshops?
Here is the answer derived from (1) the compulsory census of
production (1907), and (2) the voluntary census of agriculture
conducted by the Board of Agriculture in 1908: —
BRITISH PRODUCERS (DIRECT PRODUCERS OF MATERIAL COMMODITIES),
1907-8.
Persons employed in industry, and included in schedules 7,000,000
Persons not included in schedules 1,000,000
Persons employed in agriculture, including farmers 2,500,000
Total 10,500,000
We see therefore that, broadly speaking, only about one-half
of those who work for gain in this country are engaged in making
or producing things. It is a fact which is as astonishing as it is
significant.
Let it not be supposed that these producers are adults. As
far as the seven million persons included in the first item of the
above table are concerned, we are able to give an official analysis,
and here it is : —
UNITED KINGDOM INDUSTRIAL EMPLOYMENT, 1907.
Wage-earners :
Males, aged 18 years and upward 4,250,000
Females, aged 18 years and upward 1,200,000
Boys and Girls under 18 950,000
Outworkers, chiefly Women 100,000
6,500,000
Salaried Persons 500,000
Total 7,000,000
It will be seen that, if we term a "man" a male person aged
eighteen years and upwards, there were in 1907 only 4,250,000
men wage-earners included in the seven million industrial workers.
That means, of course, that the number of men aged twenty-one
years and upwards was far short of four millions. The more this
fact is pondered the more astonishing it appears. How many men
are there aged twenty-one years and upwards in the United
Kingdom at this hour? The answer is, in round figures, twelve
millions.
Therefore, out of twelve millions of grown men in this coU7itry
there are less than four million employed in the direct production
of either minerals or manufactures.
Of course, we must not lose sight of the fact that distribution
is necessary and important, and that we have not only to make
goods, but to carry materials and goods on railways and to store
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
them, and to sell them. Further, we have to remember that a
certain number of men must necessarily be employed in teaching, in
carrying letters, and so forth. Nevertheless, when every reasonable
allowance is made for these things, it remains a thing most
significant and remarkable that so few of our men should be
engaged in actually making things. Think of the position. There
are over forty-six million men, women, and children in this
country. To produce minerals for all of them, and to make goods
for all of them, employs less than four miUion grown men, aided, as
the foregoing table shows, by a certain number of women, youths,
boys, and girls. Can we wonder, then, that the production of
material commodities is so inadequate? Is it surprising that the
clever ideas and the clever machines produce so little?
The fact is that, as science and invention have furnished us
with industrial processes and machines capable of turning out goods
with great facility, we have released a larger proportion of our
population from real work. An army of people in our country
at this moment is engaged in work that need not be done, so that
the work that ought to be done remains unaccomplished. That is
a true and broad generalisation which goes to the root of the
problem of poverty in our midst. Let us see quite clearly, and
not shirk the facts of the case. ^Ye have either to get a better
production of wealth and a better distribution of the products of
that production, or we must be content for an enormous proportion
of our population to lack the commodities which we have the
actual means to produce.
It matters everything to a nation that its people should be not
only employed, but well employed. Whether twenty million
persons engaged in occupations for gain are doing well or doing ill
depends upon the nature of the work they are doing. The fact of
the matter is that instead of one-half of them being engaged in
direct production, fully three-quarters of them, if not more, ought
to be so engaged. That would mean that if we had fifteen million
direct producers, and if, further, the work of those fifteen million
direct producers was well organised and directed to produce things,
then the production of material wealth in our country might easily
be many times as great as it is now. Not only have we too
few people engaged in production; the work of a considerable
proportion even of these is wasted, for many of them are turning
out stuff which had better not be made at all, while of those who
are making useful goods a considerable proportion of their work
is employed in connection with obsolete and inefficient machinery
and plant. For my own part, I think it an understatement of
facts to say that if the work of our twenty million persons nominally
engaged in occupations were properly organised and directed to the
best ends, aided by the best known processes and the finest
machinery, the production of wealth in our country would be ten
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
times as great as it is to-day. In short, the proper co-operative
organisation of work would not only abolish poverty in its
common sense, but give us such a degree of general comfort as is
now not even possessed by what we call our well-to-do people.
For what is it to be ** well-to-do"? Is a man rich when he
cannot go abroad in his expensive motor car without having his
senses assaulted by scenes of deplorable and sordid poverty and
destitution ? Your alleged rich man of to-day cannot even go to
a public railway station without witnessing scenes which, if he
possesses sensibility at all, must deprive him of happiness. The
approaches to most of our great railway termini are sordid in the
extreme, and no money can buy for the richest man amongst us
the avoidance of them. In the real sense there is not one well-to-do
man in Britain to-day, for no one can avoid being part of, and
partaker in, the general muddle. Within the private precincts of
some great park a millionaire may for a time forget the world
of which he is a unit, but he may not emerge from his estate
without quickly coming into contact with the sorry scheme of
things in which, while he is a favoured mortal, he must take his
share of unnecessary disorder and pain.
0/: :Let me by a; single illustration carry this conception a little
further. . Take the matter of . our railway termini. So poverty-
stricken in the real sense are our arrangements, so lacking in
common-sense and. so wasteful of labour, that, whether we are
nominally , rich . or nominally poor^ we . cannot journey from
railway to railway in any of our towns without being really
and actually impoverished through the waste of our time and
convenience, which means' the Waste of precious moments of
our lives. Whether the town be London or Manchester or
Liverpool, if we desire to pass from terminus to terminus we find
obstacles "placed in our way as though they had been calculated.
Often hours have to be wasted through the gross stupidity of the
disconnections. We are bundled out at one terminus with our
luggage, and, if we can afford it, we are taken through the town
in a usually dirty cab to the other terminus, to wait a longer or
shorter time for a train connection which ought to have been
arranged to fit, but is not so arranged. The rich man is as poor
in this connection as the poorest man, save that he can hire the
dirty cab, whereas the poor man must walk. Lest it be thought
that I have exaggerated in this connection, let me quote what was
said by the chairman of a great railway company on this very
subject a few years ago. Speaking to the shareholders on
December 20th, 1907, Lord Allerton said: —
■ You can hardly conceive the disadvantages that exist by two unnecessary
and separate train services, not always taking the shortest road, not always
making connection at a particular junction so that trains may meetj and very
oft-en making the arrangements such that they shall not meet. I know, as a
matter of .fact, that this is the case. .. : .
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
But let it not be thought that such dehberate manufacturing of
poverty is confined to railways. On the contrary, our railways,
clumsily as they are arranged, are shining examples of order as
compared with the services we get in connection with business
in general. At every point labour is misdirected and wasted
through lack of co-operation and co-ordination. Workers are
condemned to work hard in exhausting occupations, only to have
their labour rendered fruitless by lack of co-operation.
VIII. Co-operation and Conservation.
We have seen that what wealth we enjoy in these our modern
days has arisen chiefly through our exceptional possession of
some of the best coal in the world. Our fuel forms an asset
which gives us an exceptional advantage as compared with all but
two of the other white nations. When one has such an exceptional
advantage one can afford to do many foolish things and yet possess
more wealth than those who have not great coal-mines beneath
their feet. Let us not delude ourselves, however, into the belief
that coal is an impregnable rock which will for ever avail us.
I well remember not long ago being in a small Midland town
which had lost a considerable part of its population. Why had
the population diminished? Because the coal-mines there had
reached the limit of paying output, and, as a consequence, miners
had had to drift away to other places. Slowly but surely that
will be the fate of mining village after mining village. Within
fifty years, within the lifetime of many people now living, the
cream of the magnificent coalfields of South Wales will have
disappeared. Within one hundred years we shall be working coal
very much dearer and more difficult to get than that which is now
being produced from our mines. That will mean that it will be
more and more costly to get coal, and that, consequently, the cost
of production will rise. Some people think that it is a mere
matter of how long the coal will last. The real point is that
the cost of producing coal will rise greatly long before exhaustion
is reached, and as the cost of production rises we shall lose more
and more of our special advantage as compared with countries
which have now little or no coal.
And that is not all. The great feature of our time is the rapid
scientific advance. Long before one hundred or even fifty years
have passed coal may be rendered obsolete by the discovery of
a great source of power. It is most improbable that that new
source of power will be peculiarly advantageous to us as coal is
peculiarly advantageous, and such a discovery, therefore, would
mean probably level terms in industry and the destruction of the
extraordinary advantage we now possess.
The moral of the story is, therefore, that whether coal lasts
for a long period or for a short period, we must regard it as a
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
matter of profound importance to prepare our people and our
institutions in the present for a time to come when we shall have
to do without the special advantage we now enjoy.
This duty of preparation would be incumbent upon us in
any case, and if we could always rely upon our great asset it
would surely still be necessary to make the most of it. As,
however, we cannot help but know that our present position is
transitory, it becomes, from a national point of view, a matter
of the utmost importance to conserve that which we have and to
train and prepare our people for the great economic changes
which lie before them in what must be a not ver}^ remote future.
We saw at the beginning of this article that our modern wealth
is only about one hundred and fifty years old. The lapse of a
similar period may see the end of that wealth, if we do not
realise its basis, and do not comprehend and do our duty. Three
centuries is but a breathing space in history, and if we desire to
understand how it may come to be looked upon in the future, let
us remind ourselves that Eoman rule in this country lasted for
four centuries, and seems to us to-day but a brief page in the
annals of these islands.
Fortunately, the measures which are needed to conserve the
national welfare indefinitely are precisely of the same order as
are needed to increase our welfare in the immediate present.
They may be summed up in the simplest words, by saying that
as to our natural resources it is our duty to study, to control,
and to conserve them, and that as to our people, it is our duty in
respect of personnel to consent to a higher standard of culture,
and in respect of industry to work co-operatively. Let us consider
these things in their proper order.
First, as to our national assets. We have seen that the
United Kingdom has some natural advantages and many natural
disadvantages. We cannot alter these things, but we can develop
and improve what we have. If we consider what measures we
have taken in this connection, and contrast them with what has
been done in Germany, we cannot but feel ashamed of our
conceptions of conservation. We live on small islands, which
means that we have a big coastline in relation to area, and that it
is a simple matter therefore to arrange a splendid system of internal
communications by rail and by water. Possessing this advantage,
we have allowed private individuals to deprive us of a large part
of it. We have actually handed the care and control of our
great highways to private bodies of shareholders, whose only
desire is to make dividends out of us. As a consequence, our
internal waterways are a disgrace, not only to our country but
to Europe. They have been not only neglected, but deliberately
strangled in the" interests of railway shareholders. As for the
railways, we enjoy the highest railway fares and the highest railway
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Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
rates in Europe, so that the country which invented railways gets
less out of them than any other of the Western nations. You
can travel in Germany, or Denmark, or Switzerland, or Belgium,
or Norway in a comfortable carriage as good as our second class
for about the EngHsh third-class fare, and, be it remembered, our
tliird-class or "Parliamentary" fare was forced upon the railways
(who declared that it would ruin them) only by the intervention
of Parhament.
As to freight rates, the value of our coal is lessened by the
fact that it has to pay exorbitant charges if we desire to take it
from place to place in our little country. The manufacturer finds
himself handicapped at every point by excessive charges for the
■carriage of materials from the ports and for the conveyance of
his finished articles.
When we turn to Germany we find a country which in this
respect had great disadvantages as compared with our own. A
glance at the position of Germany on the map reminds us that
■she has a very small coastline. What has she done in face of this
natural handicap? She has constructed a great national system
of railways and magnificent waterways, spending scores of millions
of pounds upon the latter alone. This dual system of transport
is worked co-ordinately, one being used to help the other, as it
ought to be used. Heavy goods such as minerals and timber are
carried upon the great waterways of Germany at nominal rates,
and the national railways are correspondingly relieved of such
merchandise, and are therefore better able to perform their proper
functions. Whereas in England the railways strangle the
waterways in order to get as much traffic to carry themselves at
•exorbitant prices, the German transport system, being national
and patriotic in the best sense, seeks to make itself the instrument
and not the taxer of trade. It is the German national railway
•system which has enabled Germany to fight as well as she has a
war on two frontiers.
Or let us turn to another department of the national affairs.
The British Isles have been almost completely denuded of trees.
We have millions of acres suitable but neglected. Private capital
does not stir itself, for trees grow slowly, and while nothing could
"be more profitable in the long run than afforestation, nothing
•could be less profitable for the individual entrepreneur. A Royal
Commission has advised us to do what we ought to have done
long ago without the prompting of a Royal Commission, viz., to
lake the matter in hand on a national scale, and to provide timber
for the future of our country. In vain is the appeal made to us.
The years pass during which timber might be growing upon
ten million acres, to be not only a great national asset in respect
of an important raw material, but to be the foundation of many
subsidiary industries. While we do nothing in this connection,
467
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
Germany possesses magnificent national forests which are carefully
conserved, and in which sylviculture has been raised to a science.
As to coal, we cannot alter the fact that every ton taken from
our mines means one ton less in the national coffers, but we can
most, surely, recognising the vital importance of fuel, determine
to survey, control, and conserve the resources we have. This,
our main asset, ought to be guarded most jealously, and a
permanent Power Commission should be established to study it
continuously and to apply every known scientific resource to power
production.
I pass to the preparation of the national personnel for the
great changes which will take place in this twentieth century.
With ever-increasing rapidity modern industry is becoming
scientific. In the early days of rapid British advance we made
our wealth by rough and ready large scale work. The days are
passing, however, when rough and ready, or rule of thumb, can
avail a nation or its industries. Industry after industry is passing
into the control of scientific managers. It is to be feared that this
is not sufficiently realised by those responsible for the national
welfare, and that it may not be realised soon enough to save us
from industrial decline. The outbreak of the Great War found
us short of many materials of industry made by the scientific
Germans, and the Government hastily appointed a Committee to
consider dyes and chemicals ! What a commentary !
It is a thing most notable that with one or two exceptions,
such as the turbine of Parsons, the majority of modern inventions
and improved industrial processes have arisen in foreign countries.
Such things as motor cars and flying machines, artificial silk and
indigo, the incandescent gas light and wireless telegraphy, ferro-
concrete building construction and modern blast furnace practice,
have come to us from foreign inventors. We have the humiliation
of seeing the British Parliament passing a new Patent Law to
compel foreign inventors to work their patents in this country —
"a thing which was not needed in the early days of British industrial
growth, when British inventors were placing all the world in their
debt.
There is no reason to suppose that British native qualities have
diminished since the days of the great British inventions, and
there is good reason to suppose that it is our neglect of education
which is responsible for our poor output of the great ideas in
recent years. The modern inventor is not a man who can
conceive a great new idea while shaving himself in the morning.
In nearly every line of effort there is now accumulated an enormous
amount of accomplishment, and if, therefore, a new discovery is
to be made, a man has first of all to learn what has already been
accomplished. Take, for example, the colour industry, in which
Germany has become so triumphant that she may be said to be
468
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
the colouring agent of the modern world. It is not possible for a
bright and untrained young man, however capacious his intellect,
to improve upon what the Germans have done without learning
what they have done, and that means that to qualify himself to
make further advance in producing coal-tar colours he must
become a skilled practical chemist. Then, and only then, has he
the chance to become a new inventor in that particular line. And
so it is with nearly every branch of human effort at this hour.
We have not enough scientific students, and we cannot therefore
expect to produce a good crop of inventions.
And we must get rid of the conception that our people can be
educated while we consent to education ceasing for the greater
number of children at thirteen years of age. It was shown by
the recent Departmental Committee appointed by the Board of
Education to inquire into the numbers of children attending
schools that, out of 4,084,000 children aged between ten and
sixteen years, of all classes, only 2,113,000 were attending day
school in 1906-7 ! That, be it observed, is to include the children
of both rich and poor. If we take the working classes alone, it
is true that the great majority of boys and girls finish training
for ever at thirteen years of age — at the very time, that is, at
which education, in the proper sense of the word, can begin.
This means that, for practical purposes, we are leaving the
national material untrained, and depriving it of its birthright. In
a world which is ever growing more advanced, we are allowing
the majority of the children to fall relatively behind. As the mass
of acquired knowledge increases, relative ignorance increases.
The average boy finds himself projected at thirteen years of age
into an extraordinarily complex civilisation which it is not possible
for him to understand, and he has forthwith to engage in work
the meaning of which is never revealed to him. It is a process
which cannot continue without bitter results for the nation in the
time to come, that time in which it will need high qualifications
if a nation is to hold its own.
And with the better training of our personnel must run the
better oi'ganisation of men in the work that they do. There is only
one remedy, as I have indicated, for the misuse of men and
inventions, and that is co-operative work in the national interest.
The insane folly of competition is increasingly recognised, but,
unfortunately, its recognition is being accompanied by combinations
which are not truly co-operative in the public interest, but which
merely represent the combination of separate producers in an
attempt to extract profit from society at large.
We see everywhere combinations of capital, of producers, and
of distributors, which are concerned not with making the most
of labour in the public interest, but with maintaining prices against
the public interest. A number of capitalists producing a certain
469
Our National Wealth: The Conditions of its Continuance.
article combine themselves together with a big watered capital and
form a monopoly, or quasi-monopoly, of the supply of an article.
The actual economies resulting from the combination, instead of
being distributed to the public, are creamed by the monopolists.
Further, we get agreements between combinations, on the one
hand of producers, and on the other hand of distributors, making
price agreements against the public. Price-maintenance has.
spread like wildfire through industry of late years, and it is now
hardly possible to go into an ordinary shop without being charged
artificial rates which are set up to preserve uneconomic interests.
What is good in such combinations is the recognition of the
virtue of common action. What is bad in such combinations is-
the fact that they constitute co-operative movements, not to help
the consumer and to assist therefore the production of wealth,
but to wring artificial profits from the consumer and thereby to
restrict the production of wealth.
In this connection co-operation has the future in its own hands.
In the field of distribution it can beat down the absurd wall that
now stands between the producer-consumer and the consumer-
producer. In the field of production it can eliminate all
unnecessary costs, and, informed and inspired by scientific
management, produce the greatest amount of material wealth with
the least expenditure of labour. The form of such co-operation
may be uncertain, but there is no element of uncertainty as to
the goal.
470
The Problem of Continuation Education.
BY H. M. RICHARDSON.
NEAELY a hundi-ed years have now passed since England
first recognised that the interests of a State demand the
education of its people. In 1816 a committee of the House
of Commons was appointed "to inquire into the state of education,
chiefly in the neighbourhood of London." Despite Lord
Melbourne, who questioned the advantage of general education
as a means of promoting knowledge in the world, since people
got on without it, the committee sat, and reported that the
schools of the country were "poor manufactories, in which the
formation of mind and character and mental and moral habits were
grievously neglected." The committee added the dictum — then
uttered for the first time with an authoritative voice — that the
education of the people was a matter in which the State had a
vital concern. It was not. however, until 1833 that the
Government first manifested any practical sympathy with that
view. In this year the Treasury made a grant of £20,000 towards
the erection of school-houses. This was continued up to 1839,
when the sum was increased by £10,000. Its interest in this
matter of vital concern was still timid and tentative. In 1851
grants were given in aid of evening schools. But a Eoyal
Commission on Education had to be appointed in 1 858 before the
State, by the epoch-marking Act of 1870, took up the task
of making itself responsible for teaching the children of the
conrnaunity the elements of learning. From that time onwards
development and elaboration have been rapid.
Six years later education was made compulsory, and fourteen
years after that free. In 1902 Mr. Balfour's Act co-ordinated
the elementary education given hitherto in Board and voluntary
schools, and placed provided and non-provided schools of the
various stages of development under the same controlling bodies :
the county or borough councils.
From the inception of the idea that the State cannot stand by
and see its people brought up in ilhteracy and ignorance, the feet
of progress have not loitered. But there are those who are still
dissatisfied. Some are calling for the raising of the school age,
already raised twice since 1870. Others are demanding that when
a youth has left school he shall be compelled to attend continuation
classes. This latter demand, with which I am chiefly concerned,
is duphcate. It comes from the more self-sacrificing of the poor
471
The Problem of Continuation Education.
who desire to see their sons cHmbing the social ladder. It comes
also from many employers of labour, who hold that superior
education implies superior workmen, and, therefore, more efficient
and cheaper production of wealth.
Already some employers of labour insist that youths in their
employ shall attend evening continuation classes, especially such
classes as are concerned with the particular branch of science or
mechanics that is an essential factor in the student's daily labour.
A few employers feel so keenly the desirability of taking advantage
of the facilities that they pay their young men to attend classes.
From all quarters comes the cry, "Educate, educate, educate!"
It is difficult to get anyone to oppose the further extension or
intensification of education. The workpeople of Lancashire may
protest against the abolition of the half-timer. But they do so
not from any dislike of education as such, but because they have
a natural if, in the ultimate, an ill-grounded dread that to keep
children out of the mills and factories until they are fourteen
would mean a diminution of the family income for two years, or
rather a postponement for that period of the increment accruing
from children's labour. But the question arises as to whether,
apart from the practical difficulties (with which I shall deal later),
it is desirable to extend the field of education, to spread the net
of knowledge so wide that all boys and girls shall continue to be
taught in schools until they are sixteen, seventeen, or eighteen
years of age, while working part time at a trade. This, I think,
is a question which certainly ought to be discussed with an open
mind by co-operators, who stand somewhat apart from the main
stream of tendencies, motives, and ideals.
THE CO-OPERATIVE IDEAL.
As I have already said, the plea for compulsory technical or
continuation education rests on two hypotheses : (1) the idea of
the poor that superior education is the lever which may raise them,
not collectively but piecemeal or individually, into positions of
comparative affluence; and (2) the idea of the captains of
competitive industrialism, (competitive internally or internationally)
that by training youth in the technology of trades at the public
expense production will become both cheaper and more rapid.
If I am correct in thus stating the inspirational motives of the
demand for more compulsory education, it is self-evident that
co-operators should withhold their support from any such proposal
at least until they have decided whether these aims — the elevation
of aome of the poor and the general speeding-up of production
through the greater personal efficiency of the workers — are in
themselves desirable. And I do not think that co-operators who
hold to the fundamentals of their faith can come to an affirmative
conclusion in either case. So far from this being so, the
472
The Problem of Continuation Education.
co-operative movement. I need scarcely say, has done much for
an education of a very different order. It has been and is devoted
to "the formation of co-operative character and opinions by
teaching the history, theory, and principles of the movement, with
economics and industrial and constitutional history in so far as
they have bearing on co-operation; and . . . the training of
men and women to take part in industrial and social reforms and
civic life generally."
It is evident, I think, that co-operators who adhere to this
ideal of education must view with suspicion, if not downright
disfavom', any endeavour to fasten on the youth of the country
an education so opposed as would be the teaching of the purely
individualistic and utilitarian concept of progress and society. For
it is obvious that youth's capacity for learning is limited. A
young man cannot labour eight or nine hours a day in a mill,
mine, or workshop, then give an hour or two to applied mechanics,
chemistry, commercial arithmetic, magnetism and electricity, or
suchlike subjects, and yet be able to find time for the more liberal
education connoted by the co-operative formula.
It may be, however, that there are "practical-minded"
co-operators who, while attaching considerable importance to the
first principles and theory of their movement, would be wilHng.
for the sake of an immediate gain to the nation in happiness and
prosperity, to forego the propagation of co-operative ideals.
Accepting the common view that the happiness of a people is
commensurate with the prosperity of their nation (as indicated
by Board of Trade returns of imports and exports), and assuming,
moreover, that the prosperity of a nation is dependent upon the
industrial skill of her working class at least as much as upon the
organising genius of the captains of industry, such a co-operator
might hail compulsory continuation or technical education as a
meliorist thing to be sanctioned, even though it retarded the coming
of the co-operative commonwealth. That is a point of view not to
be lightly dismissed. It is, however, one from which the practical
mind may be moved, perhaps, by a contemplation of facts that,
while they have no place in the individualistic philosophy, ought
not to be overlooked by those of us who are striving to weave a
finer fabric of life and civilisation.
CONSIDER GERMANY !
Compulsory technical and continuation education have long
been essential factors in German life and industry. "The view
that technical training following upon a good general education
has become indispensable to the industrial and commercial success
of a nation commands the unreserved assent of the German
people, " writes Professor M. E. Sadler, in his invaluable
comparative history. Continuation Education in England and
473
The Problem of Continuation Education.
Elsewhere. In nearly the whole of the twenty-five states that
constitute the German Empire, such education is obligatory either
by State law or local bye-laws. By the Imperial industrial law
of 1891, employers of labour are compelled to grant to their
apprentices or other workers (including all male persons and
female clerks and female apprentices) who are under eighteen
years of age the necessary time for such attendance as is required
by the local authority of the district. Generations before this,
however, the need for such training had been recognised. In
1869, under the terms of the regulation of industry, employers
were obliged to allow their workmen under eighteen to attend
continuation schools, and such workmen were compelled to attend.
Everything in Germany favoured such education manifesting
itself at its perfect pitch so far as it can in the orbit of capitahsm.
The people were accustomed to discipline, and they had the
studious bent. And it must be admitted that, so far as the material
prosperity of the Empire is concerned, the time, money, and
talent spent on inculcating a taste for research and a scientific
knowledge of the ways and means of industry have been
magnificently justified. No great country has advanced industrially
more rapidly than Germany. Nowhere else in the old world have
the complexities of commerce been so simplified or the mechanisms
of production so highly organised. The output per head of the
population has increased amazingly, and, during the last forty
years, Germany, from being a congeries of small states, has
become a great, powerful, and prosperous Empire. It may be
said that the war of 1870-1 was the direct cause of Germany's
rise. But it can be said with equal truth that the French were
defeated very largely because they were opposed by a race superior
in education and discipline. It was indeed recognition of what
education had done for the race in endowing it with the
potentialities of military triumph that helped to enamour the
German people of continuation schools. But, although I must
admit the Fatherland's industrial greatness, when measured either
by the per capita products of her people or by the total wealth,
I submit that it is impossible to demonstrate any commensurate
increase of material or spiritual happiness to the working classes.
Eeaders of this Annual will scarcely need reminding that the
proletariat of Germany is no better off than that of Great Britain.
Mr. J. F. Mills, in his contribution to the Annual for 1914, threw
the searchlight of a peculiarly penetrative mind on the food problem
of Germany, and the conclusion to which all must come who
accept the data he had collected from authentic sources is
that, despite the benefits of national compulsory elementary,
continuation, and technical education, the German people, so far
as material comfort goes, are rather worse off than we. This
conclusion is supported by our Board of Trade comparative
statistics, which show that the German artisan works longer for
474
The Problem of Continuation Education.
less pay than the English artisan, and that the cost of living is
higher there than here. Berlin, probably the most highly
organised and, in certain ways, the most efficiently managed
municipality in the world, has an infantile death-rate that would
make even a Lancashire mill town blush. Wages during the last
thirty years — the period of the greatest expansion of industry —
have not risen in proportion to the rise in the cost of living,
whether we take the prices of commodities or rent. And sucb
increases in wages as have been won can be traced in Germany,
as in England, to industrial co-operation among workmen rather
than to any other cause. They have been wrung from reluctant
capitalism by the weapons common to trade unionism, both in
highly educated and very uneducated communities.
education's sole virtue!
The most that can fairly be argued on behalf of education
from the view-point of the economist is that, generally speaking,
the more highly people are educated the higher becomes the
minimum standard of living which will satisfy them. So far as-
the teachers and the books have fanned the flame of discontent
with existing things and aspiration towards better living, and
thereby driven workers to organise themselves for the amelioration
of their common lot, education from the proletarian point of
view has been justified. But in no other way. That it has
enabled here and there one to rise out of his class, to become a
manager or an official where otherwise he would have been a
labourer, or through bursaries and scholarships to graduate into
the professional ranks instead of remaining a weekly wage-earner,
is undeniable. But, as off-setting this advantage, it can be argued
with at least a perturbing plausibility that on the whole education,
and more particularly technical and continuation education, not
inspired by the co-operative ideal, has done a disservice to the
workers as a class. It has been a ladder upon which many of
the most talented of the offspring of the toilers have mounted to the
middle class, and consequently have been lost as leaders of their
own kind in its never-ceasing struggle — never ceasing, however
subterranean it may sometimes be — for betterment. Young men
who, by their individual effort, have surmounted the barriers
of poverty and humble birth and become holders of positions
of responsibility and handsome remuneration, naturally enough
shed or supress their youthful passion for social justice. It is
difficult for them to retain belief in the fundamental wrongness
of the individualistic competitive system which has placed them,
as the reward of their own merit, where they are! It is, indeed,
permissible to suggest that had there been no compulsory education
the working classes might have been further advanced towards the
co-operative commonwealth than they now are. For this reason :
that then only the men of character and talent would have become
475
The Problem of Continuation Education.
literate, and being literate they would have led. But where all
are literate in some degree by Act of Parliament, not by their
own volition, the task of picking leaders becomes a problem, and,
as the present system can offer larger prizes than can the causes
of the future, it follows that many of the gifted sons of the lowly
are lifted into the dominant or the professional class before they
have had time fully to realise the wrongs of their own. This means
that potential powers of organisation and inspiration are diverted
from the army of labour to buttress the fort of capitalism.
WHAT TEACHERS LEARNED.
Still on this question of whether education or knowledge is in
itself a sufficient lever for lifting humanity to better things, I would
•call attention to a significant and, in my opinion, conclusive piece
of evidence in support of my negative contention. The elementary
teachers of the nation are notoriously ill-paid. They are entrusted
with a work of wondrous delicacy of almost incomparable
importance, for it may be said that the teachers of to-day bear
on their shoulders the nation of to-morrow. Anyone ignorant
of the facts would think that these men and women who mould
the mind of the race at its most malleable age would be socially
honoured and well paid. This, however, is not so. And — this
is the point which I wish to emphasise — when the teachers,
growing conscious of the injustice done to them, determine to
improve their lot, they do not attempt to do so by learning how
to teach better, but by organising themselves into a trade union,
and using exactly the same weapon that unskilled labourers and
dockers, or engineers and other skilled artisans, take up when
they become conscious of intolerable oppression. The successful
strike of the Herefordshire elementary teachers for increased
salaries a few months ago was negatively a notable demonstration
of the fallacy that the way to Utopia, the ultimate aim of all
sincere reformers, is through the doorway of the schools. If
education cannot override the economic laws of supply and
demand in the case of its practitioners, what hope can it hold out
by doing so to its pupils?
THE WAR INTERVENES.
So much of this article had 1 written when the great war
burst upon us. I am continuing it amid the turmoil of a tottering
civilisation, not knowing, so obscure is the future, whether it
will ever be finished or published. But whatever happens as the
result of the European conflict, it is, I think, quite evident that
I should be wasting my own and my readers' time were I to
resume this contribution without taking account of the modifications
that must necessarily be made in any preconception of what the
article was to be.
476
The Problem of Continuation Education.
I had intended. to follow up my case for the consideration of
the economic and democratic merits or demerits of continuation
education with a comparison of what has been done in the various
countries of the old and new worlds. After that I should have
approached the question of compulsory continuation education from
the point of view of practical politics. In this section I should
have shown that, whether the theory of compulsion is sound or
unsound, there are so many obstacles in the way of applying
compulsion that an enormous extension and re-valuation of the
educational machinery would be necessary. In July, 1914, the
moment immediately preceding the war, there was little possilDility
of inaugurating obligatory continuation education. And for this-
reason : there was not in the country a sufficient number of teachers-
properly to teach even such youths, young men and women as
attended continuation schools either of their own choice or at the-
behest of the few employers who made such attendance a condition
of their employment. The classes in the technical schools and
the continuation schools were much too large. It is one thing
for an elementary teacher armed with powers of inflicting corporal
punishment to maintain discipline among a class of fifty boys or
girls. It is quite another thing for the same teacher, after his
trying daily duty, to keep in order even thirty -five youths, some of
whom wish to learn, w'hile others are in school simply because their
employer insists upon their presence. My inquiries among evening
class teachers convince me that compulsory continuation education
for the community at large would be very costly and immensely
wasteful. It would entail an enormous expansion of the army of
teachers; and, unless such education was to be perfunctor\' and
inadequate, the standard of learning among teachers, if not the
standard of teaching, would have to be raised. And these two
conditions could be fulfilled only by raising the economic status of
the teaching class. The mental equipment for teaching in its
higher branches is such that the possessor of it has other and
fairer avenues of social advancement open to him. And it is not
surprising that so many young men who have qualified themselves
to teach abandon the pedagogic profession for business or the
Bar, either of which offers chances of larger rewards. Most of
those who remain faithful to their first love have a true vocation
for it, and bitter are their complaints that they cannot do their
best by reason of the understafQng of schools or, in other words,
the overcrowding of classes. Eeally conscientious w^ork is
necessarily a rarity. A continuation schoolmaster has to choose
between two evils. Either he must neglect the thorough education
of some of his scholars in the interests of the discipline of all the
scholars, or he has to neglect the discipline of some (that is, he
must secretly countenance the inattention of some so long as
they are quiet) in the interests of the education of those pupils
who are keen to absorb knowledge. With a class of not more
477
The Problem of Continuation Education.
than twenty he could both maintain disciphne and instil
instruction. But a class of over thirty means a class in which the
clever and keen will be taught and the dull or indifferent neglected.
Is it worth while to spend hundreds of thousands a year to
develop continuation or technical education along compulsory lines,
which would inevitably mean the multiplicity of the dull and
indifferent scholars out of all proportion to the keen and interested ?
INSTEAD OF APPRENTICESHIP.
There was another point .which to my mind was of the
highest importance. The theory of the advocates of compulsory
continuation and technical education is that boys can be saved by
a course of technical study from the penalties incidental to the
indiscretion of entering a blind-alley occupation. At the present
time the boys who in Manchester, on leaving the elementary school,
become "nippers" (assistants to lurry drivers) tend to drift into
the most casual labour, or else they finally enlist in the Army.
"Make them learn a trade," say the educationists, "and when
they have done with boyhood and want to be earning a man's
wage they will be equipped with the necessary knowledge." I
do not think it necessary to offer many reasons in support of my
contention that this is a fallacy. It may be true that each of
Napoleon's privates carried a field-marshal's baton in his knapsack.
If so, it is fairly obvious that the huge majority of the privates
pawned their batons for bread and butter. It may be true that
technical training would make everyone competent to do skilled
work. It is unfortunately equally true that there is not normally
enough skilled work for all to do. On the contrary, there is always
a residue of skilled men out of work. Trade unions, recognising
this fact, deliberately try to limit the number of apprentices who
shall be taught a trade. They fear a flooding of the market,
because they know that the greater the surplus of labour the
smaller is the market value of the labourer. Now, compulsory
technical education would be tantamount to apprenticeship.
Indeed, it is largely because of the decay of the apprenticeship
system that compulsory continuation education is suggested. If
all were compelled to learn a skilled trade it is obvious, assuming
the economic perception of trade union leaders to be accurate, that
we should soon have so large a margin of unemployed skilled men
that the market would be glutted, and the wages of the skilled
artisan would be depressed almost, if not quite, to the level of
subsistence of an unskilled labourer. On this point Mr. Charles
Towers, in Germayiy of To-day, says: "That this system (technical
education) produces a scientific class of workmen is, of course,
fully proved, and scientific workmen make for rapid national
progress. But it is at least a matter of dispute whether the
individual profits by the system." As I have already suggested, it
is arguable that the main tendency of training in the technology
478
The Problem of Contiyiuation Education.
of trades is to bring about those very results which trade unions
declare to be the consequence of allowing employers to take on
as many apprentices as they can acconmiodate. If this is so it
must be obvious that the policy is not one to which intelhgent
trade unionists will give their support. It is, indeed, less defensible
from their point of view to give State aid to a compulsory system
that leads indirectly to the depression of wages than to permit of
the restoration of the apprenticeship system. For this reason : that
the apprentice is paid to learn his trade, whereas the conscript
pupil of a compulsory class would obtain his training at the
expense of a public which would ultimately be impoverished by
that very system. Nor is that the only danger to be discovered
in the proposal.
THE VICIOUS CIRCLE.
The symptoms of another evil arising from technical education
are already apparent, and this evil would be intensified with the
more general spread of such knowledge. I refer to the introduction
of the automatic machine. Perhaps the highest manifestation of
the thinking machine is the automatic calculator, which enables
schoolgirls to perform feats of mental dexterity that until a few
years ago could be achieved only by skilled clerks. The automatic
calculator, in the hands of a sixth standard child, can estimate,
count, subtract, and work out involved sums in commercial
arithmetic more rapidly and more accurately than could a
chartered accountant. The automatic calculator may be taken as
a symbol of the commercial and industrial world. Capitalism is
constantly readjusting itself so that its profits shall not fall below
a certain level. To safeguard itself it must do many things.
Within the limits laid down by trade unionism it speeds up men
until they are producing the last ounce of which they are physically
capable. If the men demand higher wages and win them,
machinery — much of which is the fruit of technical training — is
introduced which enables production to be increased at a smaller
cost. Should the men then determine to win for themselves some
of the advantages that accrue from these improvements in methods
of manufacture, capitalism calls to its aid women and juvenile
labour. During the last few years the number of machines
invented to do skilled work, without capitalism employing skilled
workers or paying wages sufficient to meet the cost of a family's
living, has been the most amazing development in connection
with industr\^ Some time ago I investigated the methods of
manufacture of nearly every material and article in common use.
and wherever I went I saw automatic machines that, with no
more skilful attention than a youth or girl can give, were doing
work that twenty years ago was done by craftsmen and artisans.
There is no need to describe the innumerable mechanical devices
that have enabled boys and girls, without any apprenticeship, to
479
• The Prohlem of Continuation Education.
make articles which their fathers could manufacture only after
f^erving many years in acquiring a knowledge of the tools and the
material. Knowledge of such inventions is general among all
people who earn their daily bread in field, factory, or engineering
shop. They know, too, how such inventions have displaced adult
labour for juvenile labour, and men for women, and the skill of
communities by the skill of the individual inventor. Whether in
the long run all this ingenuity which manifests itself in the
invention of labour-saving machinery proves a boon to humanity
is a point not yet settled. The immediate matter of concern is
that it saves labour, which means (for capitalism thinks in terms
of money, not of human happiness) that the amount of wealth
absorbed in wages is diminished without any compensation to
labour in its other role of consumer. Indeed, since the automatic
machine became the factor in production that it now is, the cost
of commodities has risen by about 30 per cent., while wages have
shown only a very slight upward tendency. Cost-of -labour-saving
machinery (to give it its true designation) has made the rich richer
and the poor poorer. And I do not think that anyone will venture
to suggest that the force of invention has spent itself, that to the
hundred and one things which can be done to-day by machinery
that were once done by man there will not be added all the other
functions of manufacture. We are, indeed, but on the threshold
of the automatic age. It is not difficult to envisage the day when
man, apart from the perfunctory pressing of a button, will have
no work to do.
If this seems to be a digression from the subject of this paper
I would suggest to the reader that it would be a waste of national
wealth and human energy to build up a great edifice of compulsory
education for the purpose of teaching youths to do work which,
the moment the}^ demand a wage that threatens profits, would be
done by raw boys and girls with automatic machinery's artful aid.
The pupils of the working class who would benefit from such
education would be those to whom knowledge was a spur to
their inventive faculty. These would be few in number, no doubt,
but they would be sufficient to give an enormous impetus to the
automatic apparatus. The few young men of exceptional ability
would succeed in making names and, perhaps, fortunes. But
the price would be the decay of communal skill, the cheapening of
labour, and the deterioration of the race.
For these reasons — which I may recapitulate by saying that
while technical education has added to the wealth of nations it
has not added to the wealth of the workers, and, inferentially,
can never do so — I suggest that co-operators should be suspicious
of any movement towards fastening compulsory technical education
on the people.
But it must not be assumed that because one is opposed to
compulsory education under present conditions one is necessarily
480
The Problem of Continuation Education.
opposed to either continuation or technical education in all or any
circumstances and conditions. On the contrary, it is quite evident
that if such education can add to the prosperity of a nation or to
the profits of capitalism it can be made an instrument for human
happiness, culture, and comfort. Whether it will be so used or
not depends upon the intelligence with which *'the common
people" can grasp the lessons of the immediate past — the past
which, as we now see, has been a period of the amassing of great
wealth in a few hands and the amassing of huge armaments, the
bitter fruits of technical education, which have been used to tear
the fabric of civilisation, of which we believed education was the
chiefest attribute!
WHAT WILL BECOME OF US ?
Here I call again upon the example of Germany, for Germany
is the example of extremes both of the value and the vice of a
system which produces automatic machines fed by human
automatons. The various states of the German Empire
have insisted upon all young men becoming scientific ally -
trained workers, just as they have insisted on all young men
becoming scientifically-trained soldiers. But they have consented,
constitutionally, to leave within the sole wisdom of the War
L*ord the decision as to whether the whole agglomeration of wealthy
the product of milhons of men over many years, shall be destroyed
in a few weeks or months of devastating war. It seems plain that
there has been something wrong with the intelligence of the
German people. They have learned to do every thmg except to
control their own national destiny. And this flaw, common in a
lesser degree in other highly-civilised countries, has been due to
the devotion to education in material things without regard to the
human purpose for which such material things should be used.
How the German democracy will emerge from the holocaust that is
now destroying the manhood of Europe none can say. My
concern is with the democracy of Great Britain. What shall
we become in this crucible of conflict? What we shall become
depends on what we determine to do in the future in regard to
the education of the rising generation. Are we to resume and
intensify the system that has culminated in this monstrous
debacle of sanity and progress ? After the period of impoverishment
are we again to enter upon a period of unorganised production,
accelerated by all the devices of technology, in the interests not
of the nation but of the favoured few, so that cur children will
see, as we have seen, wealth increasing by leaps and bounds in
the lap of the possessors, while the wealth producers go in want,
and then the whole edifice come tumbling about their ears at the
word of command of secret statesmen? It is a question for
democracy to determine. It is a question in the settlement of
which the co-operative movement may mean much.
KK 481
The Problem of Continuation Education.
We want an educated democracy ; and by educated I mean
not merely or mainly that the democracy shall possess the narrow
if important learning which enables men to make automatic
machines, to build bridges, lay rails, forge bolts and guns, or
build ships. I mean the education which enables people individually
to taste to the full the fruits of art and literature, and collectively
so to control matters that there shall be neither lack for the
industrious nor luxury for the idle.
THE TRUE EDUCATION.
"It is only by a liberal education that we learn to feel respect
for the past or to take an interest in the future," said Hazlitt.
**The entire object of true education," declared Kuskin, "is to
make people not merely do the right things, but enjoy the right
things; not merely industrious, but to love industry; not merely
learned, but to love knowledge ; not merely pure, but to love
purity; not merely just, but to hunger and thirst after justice."
Hitherto an education such as that has been the privilege
of the few people of wealth or of quite exceptional ability and
application. The education which has been doled out to the
poor has been either strictly utilitarian or else futile. The
rudiments of learning they have been compelled to master; but
beyond that what has been given to them to make them hunger
after justice, to feel respect for the past, or to take an interest
in the future? Very little. Advocates of compulsory continuation
education may argue that it is because they recognise the
shortcomings of the past that they desire amendment in the future.
It would be ungracious to deny their goodwill. But knowing what
education is in the present elementary and continuation schools,
one is entitled to doubt whether compulsory continuation education
would not be merely an extension of the elementary education which
in no way meets Euskin's demands. In plain words, would not any
system of continuation education under the present social regime
be directed towards inculcating a respect for that regime ? Of
course, I do not suggest that youths would be taught positively
that things are now as they were in the beginning, and ever will
be. But I do assert that by the exclusion of true teaching from
the schools the pupils would waste much time in gaining false
ideas about life. For instance, they would be taught the history
of their own land according to the romantic historians. They
would not be taught to interpret history by the light of economists.
Glorified Mrs. Markhams would preside over the feast of historical
dates, while Thorold Rogers would remain in the dusty library for
such attention as might be given to him by stragglers from the
main army of scholars. Again, the virtue of thrift would be
inculcated by means of saving banks, but the elements of political
economy, knowledge of which would suffice to put many young
m
The Problem of Continuation 'Education.
people oh the path to co-operative ideals, would be withheld.
Indeed> I venture to think that ordinary State education is subtly
antagonistic to the ideals for which the co-operative movement
stands. The co-operative movement is great and growing. But
its best friends cannot blink the fact that many people are attracted
to it in the first instance by purely individualist self-interest rather
than by any consciousness of the nobility and naturalness of mutual
aid. And this, I think, is due to the circumstance that hitherto the
trend of education in early youth has been away from idealism and
towards individualism and utilitarianism. How much nobler and
wiser the world might have been had our governors begun in
1870 to educate the young in "the formation of co-operative
character and opinions by teaching the history, theory, and
principles of the movement, with economics and industrial
and constitutional history in so far as they have bearing on
co-operation!" But it was too much to expect that the people in
authority would thus undermine their positions of power. It is
too much to expect that of their own choice they will ever do so.
If democracy is to be free from the fetters of competitive or
monopolistic industrialism democracy must attend to the matter
itself. It is because this proposition is to my mind irrefutable that
I would appeal to the co-operative movement to use still more
of its energy in diverting education from stereotyped and
conventional concepts to finer usages.
FIVE POINTS FOR REFORMERS.
And I would lay down several essential factors in raising human
life from the low level to which it has now sunk to a height it
has not attained since the gradual breakdown of the mediaeval
guilds, which were truly co-operative in spirit: —
1. I do not think there can be a doubt that the school-leaving
age should be raised to sixteen, and the half-time system abolished.
Up to the age of twelve the average child is merely being prepared
for education. Its mind is capable of learning by rote, but its
powers of comprehension are so small that even were education
all that Hazlitt or Buskin desired the pupil would be unable to
take an intelligent interest in the future or to acquire any passion
for social justice. The normal boy, indeed, does not acquire a
love of knowledge until he reaches his fourteenth year. At that
age all except the dullest begin, if given the opportunity, to take
an interest in literature, learning, and the affairs of current life.
That opportunity is now denied to all except the children of the
comfortable classes, or the talented children of the working class
blessed with parents who are willing to make great sacrifices for
their future welfare. The consequence is that we have a proletariat
which, on the whole, can read (and mainly reads rubbish), write
(but seldom exercises its power of expression), and do sums
483
The Problem of C'ontinutition Education.
siifficiently well to work out racing odds or count its weekly wage4
It knows little or nothing about the history of itself, about
economics, art, or literature. Consequently, we have a rising
generation which feeds on "comics" and "bloods," for which it
■pays out of scanty pocket money, while all the time there is the
free library offering it the best and truest that genius has given to
the world. '
2. Having raised the age from, fourteen to sixteen, the
curriculum for the extra two years should be drawn up with k
view to giving the young a yearning towards fine ideals of society.
The object should be the formation of character rather than the
training of mind. It is more important that people should live
rightly than do arithmetic correctly, especially now that machines
are "learning" to do our sums with an awful accuracy. And
right living is the result of right thinking, and that, except in the
case of the rare people gifted with intuition, is to be' achieved only
by an interested study of the great masters, and by working
from a basic belief in the virtue of mutual aid, the sanctity of
justice, the organic nature of society, and the interdependence
and brotherhood of man. So I would suggest that the two years
of extra schooling should be devoted to the humanities, economics,
literature, biology, logic, and such other subjects as would enable
the youth on leaving school at sixteen to take an intelligent interest
in the affairs of his town, city, or country, whether he was to be
a labourer, an artisan, a clerk, or ^ professional man. For if a
democracy has intelhgence aU other things worth having will be
added. unto. it. . .
3. During school life no attempt should be made to teaok
lads specific trades. The most that an employer of labour ought to
demand from the community is that the young people whom he
engages shall be, intelligent. If in addition to intelligence he gets
skilled juvenile workers he will not pay them a man's wage. He
will pay a boy's wage for a man's work — and will dispense with
his men.
4. If employers desire that their youths shall study the
technology of their particular industry they should be compelled
to allow the youths to attend technical schools in the daytime,
and either pay for such education or else pay wages to the youths
for learning the trade. For, as I hope I have proved, such training
is directly in the interests of the employers, and only very
remotely, if at all, in that of the employed.
5. Coirtinuation education should remain non-obligatory. If
the school age of children were raised to sixteen, and the two last
years were given up to such a liberal curriculum as I have sketched,
the probability is that a great number of children on leaving the
primary school would wish to continue their studies in the evening
school, assuming that the education there given dealt sincerely
484
»
The Problem of Continuation Education,
with the large and absorbing problems that ate apt to perturb the
minds of intelligent adolescents. The intellectual attainments of
teachers in these schools would need to be higher than those of
many of our present-day elementary teachers, although observation
drives me to the conclusion that much of our teaching is perfunctory
and unsatisfactoiy because the teachers are tied down to curricula
over which they have no control. Some time ago a teacher was
condemned for talking to her class about a matter of importance
not in the curriculum. Many teachers are firm believers in the
desirability of the co-operative commonwealth. They are not
permitted, however, to mould the minds of their pupils along these
Knes. They must teach every subject amenable to class or party or
economic colouring according to the colour of the dominant class,
and this they do, not by a direct glorification of the existent state,
but by silence on the possibility of alternative states. So it happens
that boys can pass through the sixth standard in utter ignorance
of the diverse theories of society held by the adult world. I am
not, however, suggesting that State servants should teach the
young what they ought to think about individualism, co-operation,
socialism, or syndicalism. I do suggest that before the age of
sixteen every boy should have had the principles of these divergent
economic creeds explained to him from authoritative text-books
and without bias on the part of the teacher. Fifty-seven years
have elapsed since Buckle, in his history of Civilisation in England,
wrote: "Political economy has been raised to a science, and by it
much light has been thrown on the causes of that unequal
distribution of wealth which is the most fertile source of social
disturbance." Is it not time, I ask, that young people should be
compelled to take some interest in this science, a knowledge of
which is necessary to any rational criticism or reconstruction of
society ?
In suggesting these lines of chang3 I am conscious of
propounding a policy quite alien to the policy of the past and
present. But to my mind the present State education is both
anachronistic and paradoxical. Compulsory education is itself an
experiment in or phase of collectivism or compulsory co-operation,
and therefore essentially opposed to laissez-faire. Nevertheless,
such colouring as can be given to the subjects taught harmonises
not with the architecture of the State education edifice itself, but
with the, so far as education is concerned, obsolete doctrines of
the philosophical radicalism of the middle of the nineteenth
century. Nor is it only by neglect to awaken the young intelligence
to possible alternatives to the present social system that the school
curricula support the existent state. They do so by direct practice.
In various centres schools of domestic cookery have been
established, and wherever this has been done the pupils are taught
as though it were an accepted principle that they are marked out
to be poor men's wives. The writer of one of the papers in
485
The Problem of Coniinuation Education.
Continuation Schools in England and Elsewhere, discussirig the
sort of training that should be given to girls in public secondary-
schools, says : "In mathematics . . . the keeping of accounts
and the calculation of interest, the measurement of areas and
working to scale in garment cutting, the calculation of dietaries
and of prices— these seem to.be all that is necessary." Not a
word, it will be noted, about the nature of interest, although the
writer was a member of the Fabian Society ! Again this writer,
describing the "living-room" which she suggests should be set
up in each school for training in home life and domesticity, says :
"Cheap oilcloth, such as would doubtless be selected for the
floor, would contrast with the good linoleum now supplied to some
rooms in the schools." These passages are illustrative of the
tendency to adapt children to tlieir environment, to make them if
not content with, at least tolerant of, their position in life — the
toleration that people extend to inevitabilities. That this is the
true end of education I do not hesitate to doubt. It must indeed
be obvious that change of environment is what we really need, and
this will be brought about only by the application of trained
intelligence to the task of getting the most and best out of life.
To teach children, youths, and adolescents with one hand to become
experts in the production of wealth, and with the other hand how
to make the best of their poverty, is an education which the
co-operative movement should endeavour to destroy, for not by its
means can we approximate to any semblance of the perfect state.
A CO-OPERATIVE GRIEVANCE.
It may be argued that we must take things as we find them ;
that the task of teaching deeply — by which I mean delving below
the surface and discovering root causes — is too difficult when
the pupils are not adults; that, in any event, economics and social
ethics are controversial matters, the introduction of which into
the schools would arouse a storm even greater than that which
has not yet spent itself around the question of religious teaching.
To the latter of these objections I would reply that if co-operative
economics are true the co-operators who are now contributing
through rates and taxes for the upkeep of the elementary,
secondary, and continuation schools are suffering, however
unconsciously, just such an injustice as that Nonconformists
declare they suffer under the Act of 1902. I mean that their
children are being taught in an "atmosphere" permeated with the
principles of the individualism which is the negation of co-operation.
From an educational system, for which its founders claim that
it fits young people for life, economics cannot be banished.
Actively or passively it must be taught. If the subject is never
mentioned, then, so far as school life has any influence on the
mind of the next generation of adults, that mind will be biassed
486
b
I
The Problem of Continuation Education.
in favour of the economic system which obtained in childhood.
So it happens that the thinking working-class young man who
left school at thirteen or fourteen never knows anything about
political economy until a chance word at a street-corner meeting
arrests his interest and leads to a more or less haphazard and
unscientific study of the most important factor of human life.
If in the foregoing I have seemed to lay too much stress on
the need for supplanting science, technical training, and the other
items of the customary curriculum by a less utilitarian education
— an education directed towards the formation of social ideals as
to which as yet the great bulk of the people are either indifferent
or ignorant — my apology must be that I am writing at a moment
when European civilisation is being visibly destroyed. What
springs from its ashes will depend entirely upon the wisdom of
the various democracies. The war may mean a relapse into a
state more miserable than that induced by the Napoleonic wars.
It may mean a release and a leap forward towards a simpler
society based upon co-operation instead of competition. If,
during the last forty years, the boys and girls of the proletariat
had received an education such as I advocate and have endeavoured
to outline, there would be little fear for the future, no matter
how menacing this moment may be. The reconstruction of this
shattered society would then "have been planned with foresight,
sagacity and knowledge, not in the interests of the few who make
wars while escaping the worst of war's consequences, but in the
interests of the millions who, because of the false teachings, the
evasions and suppressions of the schools, are led blindfolded to
the front, there to fall in quarrels of which they are ignorant,
waged for rewards w^hich they may not hope to share.
THE ONLY WAY.
Indeed, had the nations been so educated, this awful
catastrophe could scarcely have happened. For the peoples do
not want war and would not suffer it had they the power to prevent
its commission. That power can come only with a knowledge of
many things that hitherto have been forbidden or withheld from
them in their youth.
A few years ago Sir Oliver Lodge gave it as his opinion that
the nation which first fed its children would in the course of two
generations be the greatest nation in the world. We have begun
to feed our children, mainly because of one irresistible reason:
that money spent on teaching ill-nourished boys was money wasted.
The reform was an item in the popular campaign for efficiency.
I have no quarrel with it. On the contrary, the improved physical
and mental attributes of the child of to-day, compared with the child
of ten years ago, are so marked that all fair-minded and competent
487-
The Problem of Continuation Education.
observers must come to the conclusion arrived at by Miss M. E.
B.ulkley that, "so long as economic conditions remain as they are,
the provision of school meals is a necessity," I find it difficult,
nevertheless, to accept Sir Oliver Lodge's optimistic prophecy.
Nations do not live by bread alone. Humanity in its groping
towards perfection does not crawl army -like upon its stomach;
its marches or marks time to the tune set by humanity's mind.
The nation which first teaches its democracy to think, to
know itself, its history, its conflicting potentialities, the why
and wherefore of social disturbances — that nation, in the course
of a few generations, will be, if not the greatest, the happiest in
the world. The economic conditions which necessitate the bread
of charity being given to hundreds of thousands of the children of
the workers cannot long survive the acquisition by those children
of the knowledge of the origin and cause of those conditions.
They know the consequences too well.
488
Some Ancient Civilisations
and their Lessons.
BY BEDFORD POLLARD.
Neither does strength depend on extent of territory any more than upon
number of population. The strength is in the men, and in their unity and
virtue. A little group of wise hearts is better than a wilderness of fools. Ncd
government is ultimately strong but in proportion to its kindness and justice. — t.
Ruskin.
THE word civilisation is often on our lips, and few probably
realise how its meaning lias become distorted. To compare
or contrast civilised powers to-day means usually to estimate
their relative military strength. The whole scope of the word
"civil" renders it distinct from "military." Civil and military are
two opposing aspects of national life, and the dictionary defines
civil as "not military," It is well that we should keep the true
meaning of the word clearly in mind in using it in its ordinary
sense. A civilised nation is one that studies the arts of peace,
education, and commerce. Militarism is the bar sinister across its
fair scutcheon. Unhappily for the human race, the bar sinister has
almost always been attached. The element of barbarism has never
been eliminated.
In primitive civilisations it is impossible to conceive how
national prosperity could have been built and maintained without
military support. But the ideal state to which each nation in
some degree aspires will not be so constituted. There can scarcely
be a more adequate delineation of the ideal state than as given
by Eobert Owen: "The only solid foundation of public liberty is
to be found in the full supply of the wants, in the virtuous
habits, in the intelligence and consequent happiness of the whole
population" ; and militarism must always stand in the way of this.
And yet, impossible as the non-military state might have once
been, the tremendous truth of the words "All they that take the
sword shall perish with the sword" may be observed. As Norman
Angell has well said : —
If during long periods a nation gives itself up to war, trade languishes,
the population loses the habit of steady industry, government and administration
become corrupt, abuse escapes punishment. . , . Was it mere hazards of
war which gave to Great Britain the domination of India and half the new
world? That is surely a superficial reading of history. It was rather that the
methods and processes of Spain, Portugal, and France were military, while
those of the Anglo-Saxon were commercial and peaceful. . . . One was a
process of conquest, the other of colonising. . . . How may we sum up
489
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
the whole case, keeping in mind every empire that ever existed . . .? In
all and every one of them we may see the same process, which is this : If it
remains military it decays; if it prospers and takes its share of the work of
the world it ceases to be military. There is no other reading of history.
The problem touches us closely to-day. That "war begat
the noble and war begat the slave" the history of bygone
civilisations amply proves; and present-day conditions still attest
the truth of Eousseau's words: " L'homme est ne lihre et partout
il est dans les fers."
PKIMITIVE MAN.
Whatever ideas we may entertain as to primitive man and the
Darwinian Theory, we must naturally narrow down the origin
of the human race to some kind of starting point. The presence
of man in hitherto undiscovered lands might seem to indicate several
distinct geneses; but a consensus of various sciences comes to our
aid, and proves at least the improbability of this. As in vegetable
life, so in human, a common origin is often deduced. The new
world, discovered, perchance, by hardy Norsemen, and, later, by
Columbus, isolated from the old by vast oceans, was not always so
severed. Across the Atlantic bed lies a submerged land extending
to Guiana in South America. The same applies, and with more
weight, to the Pacific. Between the coast of Asia and x\merica a
long volcanic chain lies broken.
Thus geology points to possibilities, comparative anatomy — the
study of skulls — affords some guidance, comparative philology and
religions add to the sum of evidence. That interesting civilisation
discovered by the Spaniards in Mexico bore traces of Asiatic
origin. There were traditions of immigration from the north.
Mongolian speech seemed traceable in the language. The Red
Indian and. Esquimaux had a MongoHan ancestry.
Of ancient Europe science has strange stories to tell. The
greater part of it was in darkness for ages, because it was not in
touch with Asia. Iron and gold were first used in the East, and
the Celtic metal worker's skill came through the Greeks. The
alphabets in use to-day date back to Phoenicia, nineteen centuries
before Christ, and their invention may have been based on Minoan
script and Hittite pictographs of long before. Modern excavations
by patient enthusiasts have lifted the veil that overhung the epochs
of many kingdoms of antiquity, and the amazing stories that belong
to the. East have been revealed.
Not only do the splendours of ancient cities astonish, but the
inscriptions tell how, underlying all the vanished greatness, was
bloodshed and slavery.
The history of humanity is mainly the history of labour, and at first all
labour was slavery . . . The record of the great social experiments of
the past is chiefly a record of injustice and sufisring. It is also a record of
the disappearance of states in which those experiments were made.*
* W. Romaine.Paterson, The Nemesis of Nations.
490
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
The production of wealth was proportionate to the number df
slaves. The expansions and debacles of ancient powers were due
to the inequalities within states and inequalities between states.
In the evolution of manhood, from the time when first the
biped stood erect, lived on fruit or berries, formulated speech,
learned his simple lessons from beast and bird, and hunted with
precarious weapons for a living, to the discovery of sowing
and reaping and providing for the future, long periods must have
passed.
When we reflect that the original basis of human intelligence
and sentiment was the instinct of lower animals, we need not be
surprised when the palaeontologist speaks of man occupying this
world millions of years ago.
Before he rose to an intelligence in which the faculties were
articulate enough to enter the realm of art, to draw, to inscribe,
to invent, man was buried in a vast nebulous period in which a
thousand years were as one day. Skulls and stone weapons and
rude drawings on cave walls can only be dated by the geologist
in the study of deposits.
At least we may be sure that the first wit-sharpener was
hunger. A fertile spot well watered would tempt man from his
wanderings. He would gather flocks and herds around him,
become a breeder, learn to use the wool of his sheep and the milk
of his kine. Slowly the unfledged spirit of inventiveness w^ould
guide in the building of habitations — hut, house, palace, temple.
The trading instinct w^ould appear. The caravan by degrees would
come to bring an interchange of wares between tribe and tribe.
Then from beyond the mountains jealous eyes, unused to peaceful
industry, or, it may be, crowded out of other settlements, would
view these developments, and warlike hordes w^ould pour down,
kill, and appropriate.
. . . Industry in some.
To improve and cultivate their just demesne,
Made others covet what they saw so fair.
Thus war began on earth : these fought for spoil,
And those in self-defence.
And thus fortifications and weapons of war were evolved.
BABYLONIA.
The hub of the ancient world, the centre of human activity,
was Mesopotamia. It was in this land that the earliest legends
of the race were born. Here, somewhere, was located the mythical
Garden of Eden, Here fell the Deluge; and here, on Shinar's
Plain, arose the Tower of Babel. Those scrappy passages found
in the Old Testament pages have done little more than stn* up
unsatisfied curiosity over races of men with whom the children of
Israel clashed. What legend and parchment could not supply,
the picture stories and cuneiform inscriptions on rock walls and
491
Some Ancient' Givilisations and their Lessons.
clay tablets, or on vase decorations, have yielded. Plainefr than
in human speech they have told to men of the 20tb century a.d.
the deeds and manners and customs of Sumerians, Assyrians,-
Chaldeans, Hittites, and Egyptians in those far-off times.
The civilisation of Babylon dates back into undiscoverable ages.
As far away as 6500 b.c. the towns of Nippur and Eridu, north
and east of the Persian Gulf, were outlets for Babylonian products.
The Sumerian inhabitants, like the HittiteB, were a yellow,
beardless, Mongol race, and their chief city of Babylon was,
situated in the fertile plain of Mesopotamia, stretching between the
lower Tigris and Euphrates, and extending to the Caspian Sea
and the Delta on the Persian Gulf.
In some respects as in the Nile Valley, Babylon was subject
to periodic overflowings when melting snows from the mountains
swelled the rivers. One abnormal occasion was the Flood of
Hebrew history, the story of which must have been derived from
Babylonish sources.
Eacial affinities did not prevent continuous wars in those days.
To some extent they fostered them. The invasion of the Semites
from Arabia took place over long periods of time dating back to
4000 B.C. Establishing themselves in different cities, they gradually
became identified with various localities as separate nationalities —
Syrians, Phoenicians, Chaldeans, Assyrians, Midianites, Hebrews,
&c. Pre-eminently, Assyria and Chaldea were jealous rivals. For
many centuries Babylon was the centre of commerce, ''the brain
of the East." The diplomatic language of the then civilised world
was Babylonish. Through Babylon caravans travelled from the
Mediterranean to India, leaving raw materials and carrying to
Persian bazaars the artistic work of this wondeiful state, with other
wares from the West. Its close connection with ancient Israel
is seen in many directions. Abraham came from Babylonia — Ur
of the Chaldees. The name, Sinai was associated with the
Babylonish moon god, and Nebo, where Moses died, was the name
of the Babylonish Mercury. The Law" of Moses was full of the
Babylonian Regulations.
Babylonian men of science first studied the stars, distinguished
stars from planets, foretold eclipses, made magnifying glasses,
observed the satellites of Saturn, developed a system of
mathematics, invented sundials, and measured time by system.
Although these ancient nations were but tribes, the city of
Babylon must have held a vast population. Province it might be
called, covering, it is said, five times the extent of modern London.
The splendours of many ancient cities have often been told.
Their ruins still astonish the world. The remains of temples and
palaces of Thebes and Memphis in Egypt are among the attractions
of the Nile tourist. The great Cathedral of Notre Dame, in Paris,
could have been placed inside the Theban temple of Karnak. The
palaces of Susa (Shushan), in the Persian province of Elam, in
492
Some Ancietit Civilisations and their Lessons,
northern Asia Minor, were adorned with panels of cedar and gold,
and mighty columns upheld the buildings. The gardens were so
extensive that deer might be hunted for days without leaving the
enclosure. •-
Of Nineveh we read in the curious Book of Jonah. Modern
excavations have brought to light the splendour of its palaces, its
sculptures and monuments. But all are dwarfed by the greatness
of Babylon.
About 2500 B.C. the throne of Babylon was occupied by. a
monarch named Hammurabi. Quite recently what is called the
code of Hammurabi was discovered, giving the laws of the
land. This monarch called himself the righteous king, "one born
to deliver the weak from oppression"; but a large portion of the
code is framed in the interests of a class — the protection of
.property. Apart from this, there are some admirable regulations.
'^The rights of aliens are safeguarded, the relations between
principal and agent are made clear, the responsibilities of merchants
and bankers, the duties and obligations of husbands and wives are
ordained."* If a highwayman' succeeded in escaping from justice
the man who had been robbed had to state on oath what he ha(J
lost, and the city or district governor in whose territory the robbery
had. taken place was bound to restore to him its value. Married
women enjoyed some privileges and a good deal of independence.
A distinct industrial status had been found for unmarried women in large
co-operative societies under religious sanction "with vows of celibacy and strict
attention to business. Unlike mediaeval nuns, however, members of these
orders were free mistresses of their time and labour; they lived where they
would and worked at what they liked, insured by their membership.!
Let US picture for a moment this Babylon as it appeared in
the later period, 604 B.C., when Nebuchadnezzar, "the King
Mason," brought it to a pitch of unprecedented splendour.
Herodotus, Xenophon, and Strabo have all told of this immense
garden city. According to the former, Babylon was built four
square. Each outer wall was fourteen miles in length. Meadows,
orchards, cornfields, and pleasure grounds extended between the
streets. The great temple of Bel (or Baal) was a quarter of a
mile in length and in breadth. The building, in the form of a
quadrangular pyramid, was more than six hundred feet high. - So
enormous was this structure that when Alexander thought to
rebuild it from its ruins he employed 10,000 men for two months
merely in clearing away the debris.
The famous hanging gardens were constructed, it was said,
by Nebuchadnezzar to gratify the whim of his Elamite queen,
who complained about the monotonous level of the Babylonian
plain. The gardens were built up in the form of terraces, one
above the other, and in appearance resembled a section of a vast
* The yemesis of Nations.
f J. L. Myres, M.A., The Dawn of History.
493
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
amphitheatre. Each terrace was supported by a vaulted gallery';
and twenty walls, each twenty-two feet wide, supported the whole.
On the highest terrace of all a pumping apparatus was fixed for
drawing water from the river which flowed through the city.
So high did the gardens rise that they appeared from a distance
like a forest on the top of a mountain.
The walls of the city astonished all who first beheld them—
seventy-five to one hundred feet high, and broad enough to allow
two chariots to pass. Twenty-five brazen gates faced each way —
one hundred in all; and the walls were defended by 1,500 towers,
each two hundred feet high. A vast bridge, a thousand yards
in length and thirty broad, stretched over the river, while a
subterranean way was cut beneath.
On every hand canals and irrigation works were seen.
Each Babylonian city was governed by a chief priest, whose
religion, however, did not embrace any sense of human brotherhood.
But it is worthy of note that sacred and secular were not divided
off like water-tight compartments.
There were three classes in Babylon, as there are three in the
civilised state of to-day. They were the noble, the citizen, and
the slave. The wars of these nations were chiefly undertaken to
obtain slaves, who must have perished like flies; and with every
war the arts of peace and honourable industry were interrupted
and destroyed.
The condition of the slave depended to some extent in every
state upon his intelligence, as does that of the worker of to-day.
The mere beast of burden was valued purely as such. The average
price of a sheep was 18s. ; of a male slave, 30s. ; of a female
slave, 13s- 6d. A horse was valued at £7. 10s., and if it was
a case of saving one or the other, the horse would be preserved.
The reader may see some parallel here. Even in our enlightened
twentieth century, where consideration for others is at least an
axiom of Christian ethics, we are apt to wonder at the frequent
warpings of self-interest and the deliberate ignoring of common
justice. This fact, and our reading of Old Testament teaching
on getting even with an adversary, the law of lex talionis—an eye
for an eye — might let us down gently to the level of the religion
of the Semites.
If Babylon adopted polytheism, so did the Hebrews ;' but
essentially its religion was monotheistic. We might be disposed
to question the possibility of a Babylonish or Assyrian king
claiming divine authority in the perpetration of revolting cruelties.
But it was what the Israelite judges and rulers did, and, more
to the point, it is what priests and kings of established churches
are^ still doing, when they pray, for victories,, or chant Te Deums
over slaughtered foes.
The atrocities committed by Assyrian and Babylonish kings
on rebellious tribes — perchance before they had reached the acme
494
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
of cruelty in saving them alive to be slaves, or, it may be, when
the slave market was absolutely glutted — are almost inconceivable.
It was the proud boast of one of these monarchs, after some of his
victories, that he had flayed alive the leaders and covered the walls
with their skins; that he had buried some alive and crucified and
impaled others; that he had burned alive 1,000 captives; that he
had cut off hands and feet, nose and ears, and torn out eyes ; that
he had crucified seven hundred men.
The long-drawn-out agonies of slavery are revealed on some of
the Assyrian sculptures showing processions of "slaves being
dragged by chains sometimes fastened to their lips, or being forced,
under the lash of the overseer, to move immense blocks for the
construction of temples and palaces. "* They are shown, too, in the
detailed laws of Hammurabi, in which the slave appears ais a mere
animal, branded like the ox, and compelled to wear clay tablets
round the neck engraved with the owner's name.
And so we come to realise that the splendour of Babylon was
built upon the sighs and woes of slaves. Under the lash of the
taskmaster, in a temperature of sometimes 124° in the shade — a
land where camels are said to be unable to live and birds sit
panting on the date palms with beaks agape for want of air —
these miserable creatures were forced to toil. Slavery not only
demoralised the slaveholder, whose character was debauched by
disregard of suffering, and by luxury and idleness ; it ruined the
freeman, who, unable to earn a livelihood in competition with
unpaid labour, was forced into the ranks of servitude himself.
^Yhatever flaws critics may discover in the Hebrew polity, the
contrast of their slave laws with those of Babylon are too
remarkable to pass by. Traditions of their own bondage might
have created a spirit of consideration in them, but the anomalies
of human nature, on the other hand, might on that very account
have made them more cruel. But explain it as we will, the
contrast remains. Death was the sentence on the harbourer of
the fugitive slave in Babylon. It was commanded to give him
refuge in the Law of Moses. Every Sabbath the slave rested like
his Hebrew master.
And yet, it may be said, those empires lasted for millenniums,
in spite of sullen hatreds and divided interests. So long as there
was human fuel for the fire, and strength remained with the strong,
it would be so. Yet the story of bloodshed and conquest in Asia
Minor over those vast epochs reveals not only continuous race
animosities but the shifting of central authorities to and fro. All
the while disintegration was going on — the fuel was becoming
exhausted. External and internal causes brought Nemesis at last.
There came a night when Belshazzar feasted in his palace with a
thousand of his lords, and the magic writing appeared on the wall.
On that night the Medes entered the city, and Belshazzar was
* The Nemesis of Nations.
495
Some Ancient Civilisations afid their Lessons.
; slain. How many thousands of miserable creatures would hail
the conqueror as a deliverer! "Babylon was great. Shg used
science and she used art, but she abused humanity. . . . And
when we see her ruins lying like a vast, mysterious autograph
scrawled over the desert, her history appears to be full of
v/arning."*
The impassioned words of the Hebrew prophet may fittingly
close the chapter: —
":'_ And Babylon, the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldeans' pride,
shall be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah. It shall never be
inhabited, neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to generation; neither
shall the Arabian pitch tent there: neither shepherds make their flocks to
lie down there. But wild beasts of the desert shall lie there, and their houses
shall be full of doleful creatures; and ostriches shall dwell there, and satyrs
shall dance there; and wolves shall cry in their castles, and jackals in the
pleasant palaces; and her time is near to come, and her days shall not be
prolonged.
THE MEDITERRANEAN CIVILISATION.
In the year 1822 there was born in the home of a poor German
pastor a boy who was named Heinrich Schliemann. In later life
.the brightest memories of his childhood were the stories of
romance and marvel that were told to him, among which his
favourite was that of the Trojan War. The discovery of the
buried Latin cities, Herculaneum and Pompeii, brought a new
spirit of wonder to the boy's mind. How could a great city like
Troy have vanished beyond recovery? It, too, must be traceable.
And Heinrich dreamed of the time when he would find it.
, , As quite a boy he was obliged to leave home, and entered the
^.service of a grocer. One evening a drunken miller came into the
shop and recited about a hundred lines from Homer, in the
^original. Heinrich, without understanding a word, was so
impressed by the resonance of the verse that he asked the miller
, to repeat his recital. He did so twice over, being paid by the boy
in three glasses of whisky. His one ambition was now to learn
.(jrreek, but the opportunity was long delayed. He joined a ship
,bound for Venezuela, travelled far, and settled at length in Eussia,
where he made a fortune as army contractor during the Crimean
War. Amid all his employment he never forgot his great
ambition, nor had his wish to learn Greek been neglected. Not
only had he mastered Greek, but five languages besides. He
was now at liberty to journey south, and, in 1868, he visited
Greece. Crossing to Asia Minor in 1871, he began his search for
Troy city. His labours were succeeded by others, and eventually
nine cities, six at least of importance, were unearthed. Schliemann
mistook the real Troy, and, passing over to the Morean Peninsula,
he made further excavations, and brought to light a wonderful
civilisation which dated back to far beyond the great days of
Agamemnon and Achilles.
* The Nemesis of Nations.
496
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
The background of English history with most people seldom
causes more than a vague wonder as to the shadowy beings — cave-
dwellers, men of the early Stone Age — who first inhabited our
island. In like manner few ever think of all that led up to the
"Golden Age of Greece." This is the story that has now been
revealed. It was no wild men of the woods who lived in Greece
three, four, and even more thousands of years ago. For many
centuries their arts and architecture and maritime enterprise placed
them among the leading nations of antiquity. The poets and
storytellers of historical Greece loved to relate the deeds of the
heroes who joined with Menelaus in the siege of Troy. But these
were not their direct ancestors. The Athenians of the age of
Pericles were descended from invaders of a later date. For years
following the discoveries of Schliemann and others in Mycenae
and Tiryns, these ancient cities were thought to have been the
centre of this civilisation, but the discoveries of Evans and others
in Crete have disclosed even more remarkable evidences of this
lost people, and mark Crete itself, and its former capital Knossus,
as the fountain head. Minoan civilisation it is called, named after
Minos, the famous king, who, while by no means its founder,
appears to have been a vigorous and strong ruler. Who has not
read the story of the Minotaur and the Labyrinth of Crete ? Myth
it cannot be altogether called, for the veritable palace of Minos
has been found, and a huge underground vault, partially unearthed,
has been suggested as the Labyrinth.
That the Minoan people were peaceable and peace loving their
art assures us. The horrors of Assyrian pictographs are not found
among the motives of the beautiful vases of ancient Crete. Flower
gatherers, dancing girls, fresh and happy themes speak of the
hfe they led. Not that these people anticipated the ideal peace
principles of the Christian era, or laid themselves open to invasion ;
the Cretan bowmen were famous warriors, and Minos, whose
reign belonged to a late Minoan period, was evidently a king to
be feared. That Athens — the Athens of legend — was subject to
him we read in the story of Theseus.
The Minoan civilisation extended from isle to isle. New
settlements of an industrious people, who became a sea power
before the time of the Phcenicians, and possessed a system of
writing before that later nationality invented their alphabet, were
founded. Upon the coast of Palestine there are evidences that
they established themselves, and were known to the Israelites as
Philistines — a small but strong colony, successful in curbing
the aggressiveness of the Hebrews. Who cannot recognise a
resemblance between the individual feats of great warriors on the
plain of Troy and the swagger of Goliath of Gath? If these
warriors ever lived at all, many of them were of the Minoan race.
Idomeneus had care of eighty barques manned by the sons of a
hundred Cretan cities. Homer may have indulged occasionally in
LL 497
Some Aricieyit Civilisations and their Lessons.
exaggerated flights of song, but his pictures of art and architecture
apply with reasonable accuracy to Cretan and Mycenaean times.
The pictures of city life, of harvest time, and country festivities,
represented on the shield of Achilles, have delighted millions.
Of the origin of this people, as indeed of all people, comparatively
little is known. Europe, we learn, was inhabited in far distant
ages by men who resembled this race, and even 10,000 B.C. has
been named as within the compass of Cretan civilisation.
Let it be noted that if, incidentally, they were warriors, they
were not a fighting race. Small of stature, they seem scarcely to
correspond with the physique of the great heroes of the Iliad.''''
It was the arts of peace that made them great and enduring. The
warlike instincts which made ''flies of men and wildernesses of
nations" in Asia Minor, did not seriously afflict them. Their
writing is still a sealed book, but modern excavations have brought
light into the life they lived.
There was a largely democratic and even strongly socialistic
element in their polity. The powerful Minoan monarchy developed
eventually into a kind of communism, reverting, in a sense, to
primitive conditions. The structure of the royal palaces proves
that the court was open to the people. Men, women, and children
were all fed at the expense of the state. The public meals of
Sparta, in its great days centuries later, seem reminiscent of this;
but each Spartan was expected every month to bring his requisite
supply of provisions. Aristotle, indeed, credits many Spartan
customs to Crete.
The revenue was devoted to three objects: (1) The worship of
the gods, (2) public expenditure, (3) public meals. Unlike the
socialism of to-day, there was a strong military sentiment, and the
overthrow of the monarchy and destruction of the palaces have been
attributed to this force. But its relationship to the modern
anti-mihtary type may be found by those who care to read a
translation of the Iliad. There, in the second book, we find,
behind Homer's lash of contempt, as thorough a socialist in the
person of Thersites as any modern enthusiast could desire.
Lastly — but of immense importance — though these people kept
slaves they treated them as human beings.
We cannot reasonably suppose that of necessity the problems
which face the civilised powers of to-day existed 5,000 years ago.
Clothing and housing in warm countries would not be a continual
anxiety. Food was plentiful in the form of abundant and frequent
harvests. The strenuous life was not a menace except among
ill-treated slaves.
Eeasonable leisure, and occupation largely in a ceramic art
which was famous everywhere, and a plentiful supply of gold would
naturally lead these people to decorate their persons with lavish
display. The men of Mycenae wore necklets of gold, bronze, and
* Possibly warriors were singled out as men of brawn rather than brain.
498
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
precious stones. The garments were spangled with gold leaf. The
women wore a chiton- — a close-fitting robe down to the waist, falling
in flounces below. The cloth was of fine linen, and soft wool coloured
purple — a popular dye associated with Tyre, and obtained from a
shell-fish found on adjacent shores. According to Schliemann, the
women were literally laden with golden jewellery. They fastened
their hair with hairpins of gold, silver, and bronze. Diadems of
CTold adorned their brows. Golden bands circled their throats,
and golden necklets fell pendent over their bosoms. Gold bracelets
clasped each arm, gold rings, chased and beautiful, shone on
the fingers.
The religion was largely a worship of Zeus and Demeter (god
•of heaven and goddess of the earth).
What came of this great people? Were they destroyed by
invaders? It is a recognised fact that invading races in the past
have frequently triumphed at the expense of civihsation, and the
turned palaces of Mycenae and Tiryns seem to point to this.
But there are evidences, too — at least in Crete — that pestilence
■swept the people away. We read of a "dreadful plague" coming
upon the Grecian forces, in Homer; of the destruction of the
Assyrian Army, when —
The angel of death spread his wings on the blast,
And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed.
The "noisome pestilence," indeed, in hot, unhealthy climates
may easily have swept whole nations away. Our own more
favoured land, even, has had its Black Death and Plague of London.
GREECE.
Eventually another race appeared, the forerunners of the
famous people whose art and culture are still the admiration of
-the world. It was not suddenly that they overran the country.
As in Central Europe, and conducive to a slow development,
dense forests covered the land, where wild beasts roamed, which
■could only be cultivated in the one case and subdued in the other
iDy long-sustained exertion. The people settled in communities,
villages grew in importance, and finally the settlement became a
•state. Thus Attica arose, with Athens as its centre; and thus
Laconia, with its capital Sparta. Of Sparta little need be said,
but that little is full of import. If the building up of physique is
the ideal way of exalting a nation, Sparta was a model. Simplicity
•of life and hardihood were the chief aims. Weakly children were
regarded as a burden, and not suffered to live. Each child was
the property of the state. At the age of seven boys were forced
to leave home and go into public institutions. Both boys and
girls underwent a course of gymnastic exercises. The military
courage of Leonidas and his little band at the Pass of Thermopylae
has often been told. Sparta's fame rests in fact on its military
regime. It gave nothing else to the world. The Spartans became
499
Some Ancient Civilisatioyis and their Lessons.
the most perfect foot soldiers that Greece ever saw, but they were
entu'ely destitute of refinement or hberal sentiment. They had no
arts and no poetry or philosophy. "In the story of Hellas," says
J. M. Robertson, "Sparta stands almost alone among peoples as
yielding no foothold to the life of the mind, bare of nearly all
memory of beauty, indigent in all that belongs to the spirit,
morally sterile as steel."
It seems to be a characteristic of little states to be jealous and
quarrelsome, and, as Norman Angell has observed, it is not war
that has bound them together, but war, and the war spirit, which
has kept them apart.
And just as the Balkan States are explosive and capricious, so
was it with the Greece of ancient history. Not only were the little
states for ever quarrelling, but over and over again the ablest
generals, statesmen, and philosophers were killed or exiled. As
one writer has said, "the Athenians never learned to be just to
those who served them, or to distinguish between treachery and
errors of judgment."
Although Athens dated back to Minoan days, the Golden Age
may be said to have begun about 600 b.c. This was in historical
times, and in all directions ample material is available. To trace
the careers of rulers and peoples through the succeeding two or
three centuries in so limited a space would be impossible. Suffice
it that we gain a general impression of the period of greatness and
mark the causes of the decline and fall.
The conflict of class interests was early in evidence in Athenian
affairs. There were the rich landholders, the merchantmen, and
the peasantry, each with ambitions, and two at least with
grievances. The struggles of party gave a variety of governments
to the people as the years went by. Personal ambitions led to
curious anomalies.
There were benevolent tyrants and tyrannical democrats.
Some of the greatest law-givers were men of aristocratic birth,
whose benevolent motives sprang in part from personal ambition.
Tn no case could it be said that an ideal was reached.
No state or age can ever be said to have stood alone uninfluenced
by its own past, or by what has been aptly called "cross
fertilisation." Spartan isolation came near to it. Situation
contributed to such a condition. This naturally led to the fostering
of militarism and the consequent blank in contribution to the
world's growth.
On the other hand, Athens was open to all the educative winds
of heaven. The Golden Age did not come like an aerolite — it
grew like the dawn. If it belonged to the days of Pericles : the
statesmanship of Solon, the integrity of Aristides the Just, the
generalship of Themistocles and Cimon, the bitter lessons of past
failures and the wisdom that came of struggles and compromises
all led up to it. The rising of a little nation to defend their
500
i
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
fatherland, the sinking of petty, inter-state quarrels and internal
differences, the co-operation of all classes in the face of the Persian
danger, served also to usher in the day.
Pericles was born 499 B.C. In his youth he attended the
lectures of Zeno and Anaxagoras, and learned politics from his
music master. Plutarch gives an instance of his philosophy and
self-control during his maturer years: —
A vile, abandoned fellow loaded him a whole day with reproaches and
abuse; he bore it with patience and silence. In the evening he walked slowly
home, this impudent wretch following and insulting him all the way. As it was
dark when he came to his own door, he ordered one of his servants to take a
torch and light the man home.
This dignified demeanour was regarded as due to pride and
contempt of others by some, and of these Zeno observed that they
would do well to be proud in the same way, so that acting a part
might insensibly produce a love of it.
As a young man Pericles, partly, perchance, from modesty,
partly from fear of ostracism,* kept himself in the background.
His studies under Anaxagoras bore fruit in later days, when his
tongue was said to be armed with thunder.
Such was his reverence of the gods that, before speaking in
public, he always addressed a prayer to them that not one word
might unawares escape him unsuitable to the occasion.
There is no doubt that at the outset Pericles gained his power
with the people largely at the expense of Cimon, the great admiral
and head of the nobles, whose generosities to the poor did not
prevent the success of his rival, f
Cimon suffered banishment, and when Pericles finally recalled
him it was to appease the people.
On the death of Cimon, his brother-in-law, Thucydides, was put
up against Pericles by the aristocratic party. So severe was the
strife that the city was divided into two bitter factions : people
and nobles. Pericles now made greater efforts than ever to retain
the friendship of his allies. Shows and feasts and processions
were frequently arranged. Probably the most popular act of
Pericles was the curtailing of the ancient power of the Areopagus
(the Athenian House of Lords) and the establishing of the jury
* Exile was the result of ostracism. This singular practice consisted in
every citizen at a certain time writing the name of the person he wished to
have banished on a piece of broken pot or shell. The highest poll condemned
to banishment. When the ostracism of Aristides was proceeding, an ignorant
fellow came to him, not knowing who he was, and asked him to write Aristides
on his shell. On being asked what injury Aristides had done him, he declared
none, but could not bear to hear him everywhere called "the Just."
f Cimon acquired a great fortune in his wars, and what he had gained from
the enemy he gave to his fellow-citizens. "He ordered the fences of his fields
and gardens to be thrown down, that strangers as well as his own countrymen
might freely partake of his fruit. He had supper provided at his house every
day, in which the dishes were plain, but sufficient for a multitude of guests.
Every poor citizen repaired to it at pleasure." — Related by Plutarch.
501
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
courts. This innovation gave the people a new sense of their own
importance, and also taught them the wisdom of united action.
Six thousand citizens were enrolled as jurors, who decided local
disputes or charges, and even affairs of state in the jury courts.
The mischief which attended this and other measures was payment
for service. Of the tainted source of the funds we shall speak
shortly, but the mischief struck deeper in that it encouraged
constitutional idlers. The very existence of the courts also fostered
class divisions and the spirit of litigation.
The administration of the state was in the hands of the-
Assembly. The state was divided in ten * 'tribes," and fifty taken
from each formed the Council, which carried out the Assembly's,
decrees. Each candidate for office had to undergo a public
examination as to his character. A president was chosen from
every "tribe," and a fresh one was elected daily, every one being
paid for service. When we consider the proportion of those in
office to a population of some 235,000, as compared with a
similar number in a modern house of representatives as against a
population of fifty or sixty millions, we may accept the caustic
criticism that this was "self-government gone mad."
Although Pericles was dragged frequently into war, and
distinguished himself in battle, his was not an aggressive
government. How far his own claim could be justified from
modern standards may be questioned. A lofty sentiment appears
in his words, which modern statesmen might well emulate. As he
lay dying, certain citizens, gathered around his bed, discoursed
concerning his brilliant acts, civil and military. They thought him
unconscious, but presently he said: "I am surprised that while
you dwell upon and extol these acts of mine, though fortune had
her share in them, and many other generals performed the like,
you take no notice of the greatest and most honourable part of
my character, that no Athenian through my means ever put on
mourning."*
The funeral oration ascribed to Pericles, given on the occasion
of a naval calamity, conveys so admirable a description of the
ideal state aimed at, that portions of it may fittingly find a place
in these pages : —
Our institutions are not borrowed from those around us ; they are our
own, the creation of Athenian statesmen. In political language of the day,
we are called a democracy, and the name is true, and not true. It is true,,
because the administration of our city is in the hands of the people; and
there is one law for rich and poor; it is not true, because, above all states,,
we recognise the claims of excellence. In this sense we are an aristocracy;
not of birth, for among us there is no privilege; not of wealth, for poverty is
a bar to none; but of merit. . . . Along with this unconstrained liberty
goes a spirit of reverence, which pervades every act of our public life; authority
is maintained, the laws are obeyed, not from fear of punishment, but from
principle; and of all ordinances the most sacred in our eyes are those which
* Belated by Plutarch.
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Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
protect the injured, who cannot retaliate; and the unwritten laws, which,
though enforced by no legal penalty, bring reproach to the transgressor. . . .
We dare to think as well as act; we live for ourselves, while living for the state
With us a love of what is beautiful is consistent with economy. . .
More than any other nation we have drawn our friends to us by kindly actions,
and we have assisted others without hope of adonntage.
Could our italicised words have been surpassed in any defence
of a Christian state?
And yet a later criticism deserves mention. Aristotle, who
was born 384 B.C., was able to sum up the advantages and
disadvantages of the various forms of government, and his
conclusions were that, having witnessed the unjust exactions of
a democracy, the dwindling population of an oligarchy at Sparta,
and the oppressive selfishness of new tyrannies throughout the
Greek world, he condemned the constitution of the Greek states.
The ideal constitution for him might be either a commonwealth,
an aristocracy, or a monarchy directed to the general good; but he
preferred the monarchy of one man, pre-eminent in virtue, as the
best of all governments.
When opposition was no longer formidable the brilliance of
Pericles' administration grew brighter, and the wisdom of his
restraining influence over military spirits more conspicuous. In
the words of the historian, "he was a man of probity. Money
could not bribe him; he was so much above the desire of it that,
though he added greatly to the opulence of the state, yet he added
not one drachma to his paternal estate." It was his aim that all
the citizens should "live in a land of health, amid fair sights and
sounds."
It was during the life of Pericles that the city of Athens was
destroyed by the Persians; it was in his age that the mighty fleet
of Xerxes was defeated at Sal amis ; and it was under his vigorous
leadership that the new and beautiful city rose on the ruins of the
old, and extended along the Piraeus to the sea.
Let us glance briefly at the daily life and customs of the people.
There was no Spartan discipline in Athens. The lot of the
Athenian boy was far happier. Education was private. At the
age of six the lad was put under the care of an old slave called
paidagogos, whose duty it was simply to take him to school or for
walks, and keep an eye on his behaviour. The boy learned to sing,
to play the lyre, to write from a copy, and to read. Instead of a
slate a wax tablet was used, on which letters were scratched with
a pointed instrument. Homer was the chief schoolbook, and the
mythology of Greece was known to every scholar. Music was no
mere dilettante pursuit, but had an important place in the ethical
development.
Physical training was practised at the wrestling schools under
private control. The gymnasia were pubUc institutions, with
racecourses and various facilities for adult exercises. Baths were
provided, and not to be able to swim was a disgrace equal to
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• Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
not knowing the alphabet. Taken altogether, education was
conducted with a view to the development of a capable citizen.
Girls seem to have been negligible. The sphere of the Greek
woman was the household. Those who were much in public did
not enjoy a high moral reputation. The instruction of a girl was
therefore very limited. Even the home shopping was conducted
by the master of the house. Spinning, sewing, and embroidery
were the chief feminine accomplishments.
And how did the little ones amuse themselves? The boys at
least could not soil their clothes, since, in summer at all events,
they were almost naked. The little girls wore long dresses fastened
by ribbons crossing each other.
There were plenty of stories to be told in those days. u3Esop
was a prime favourite. There were many toys, too, similar to
those in vogue to-day. A metal jar filled with stones formed a
good, noisy rattle. There were little two-wheeled carts, or a single
wheel on a long pole. Boys delighted to drive tame dogs or goats,
and little girls played at cooking with earthenware vessels. Dolls,
of course, were common, and for the boys there were tops and
whips and hoops and ships, while swings were popular with both
boys and girls.
Festivals were numerous, from the great Olympic and other
"games" to the Eleusinian rites and the Dionysiac orgies. The
great tragedies, too, of ^schylus, Euripides, and Sophocles, and
the comedies of Aristophanes, who all belonged to the Golden Age,
were the common property of the people.
The shopkeeper was held in poor esteem by the Athenians,
while agriculture was honoured and practised by rich and poor alike.
The breeding of cattle, asses, sheep, and goats was a common
industry in the country districts, while the cultivation of the olive
was the basis of a considerable foreign oil trade. Foreign trading
was by no means on a level with shopkeeping, and the virility of
the nation was largely due to their maritime occupation. Their
familiarity with the sea gave them their victory over the Persians,
who had no knowledge of it. As sea traders the Phoenicians
anticipated the Greeks. Pirates to a large extent they were,
plundering the islands of the ^"^gean with impunity until Greece
became the deliverer, and piracy gradually sank into disrepute.
The seafaring life, as with our own nation, naturally led to a
peaceful colonisation.
There is much over which we might pause in the religion of
Greece. Just as at a slightly later date the influence of Buddha
imperceptibly spread westward, tingeing even the New Testament
records, so the religions of other races — Egypt, Assyria, Phoenicia —
reappear in Greece. Aphrodite and Adonis were Phoenician,
Dionysus (Bacchus of the Romans) was from Asia ; the Eleusinian
mysteries, which were eventually transformed into sacred Christian
ceremonials, are thought to have originated in Egypt. The strange
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Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
sacredness of stones seems to have been identified with all adjacent
religions, showing a common source. The word Bethel, which
Jacob gave to the stone on which his head had rested, is found
in the Greek Bostyl (sacred pillar). The dolmens of Carnac in
Brittany, the monoliths of Stonehenge, the very temple pillars of
all nations seem to indicate a far distant common origin.
The Shiloh of Old Testament history was typical of Grecian
oracles.
That the Greeks were a highly religious nation as regards
observances, and what we should designate superstitions, their
historians amply prove. Their consultations of oracles at times of
crisis and their sacrificial rites before entering battle are evidence
of this. We have seen, too, how magnanimous they could be, and
yet there remained the dark background of slavery and the ever-
growing military spirit. Patriotism may easily descend into
Chauvinism, and develop a "national purse pride and the vertigo
of the higher dunghill." Then follows the pugnacious, grasping
policy and the stagnating effects of conquest. This was the story
of Athens. Conquerors and conquered in the devastating
Peloponnesian civil war, in which Greece was involved for
twenty-seven years, alike suffered the Nemesis which could not but
attend.
The effects of slavery were less apparent but equally malignant.
We are apt to judge ancient people by modern standards, but the
horrors of slavery and the slave trade have not yet been wiped out.
That there were kind masters in Athens we know; and, although
occasional pity was expressed by the great poets, it may be said
that, generally speaking, the famous thinkers of Greece supported
slavery.
In the days depicted by Homer heroes and princes and princesses
delighted in household — what we regard as menial — tasks. Some
of the famous leaders of thought and action in early Athens lived
in the simplest style and in the humblest of dwellings. But as
Athens grew in power, and slaves gradually supplanted free labour
(as in Babylon), idleness and luxury and loss of human dignity and
virtue inevitably followed. The slave was the machine. He was
cheap to buy and a good investment. The state lived on him.
The odium which attached to the artisan did not touch the employer
of slave labour. The slave population far outnumbered the free
men. Scarcely anyone was too poor to own a slave, and six or
seven in a household was a modest possession. The number
ranged up into hundreds. All the trades of the city were carried
on by slaves. The master hired out his slaves as he would his asses.
Athens became the slave market of the Mediterranean, and the
buying and selling of human beings added to the callousness of
the people. The silver mines of Laurion were owned by the
Athenian state, and the profits were used to build the Athenian
505
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
fleet and to pour wealth into the city. Even the new city was
built, to some extent, upon the miseries of the slave.
The mines were of vast extent. A ten-hour day — calculated
from the burning capacity of the lamps discovered — seems to have
been in operation, and the work went on night and day. It has
been estimated that 20,000 slaves were employed in the mines.
They were chained, and a moment's pause for rest would bring
down the overseer's lash. Upwards of two thousand galleries have
been found, some of them 400 feet in depth. Even children toiled
in these stifling holes. Two years was the average term of life of
the slave miner.
Conspiracy was hardly possible, since the cunning taskmasters
so arranged it that slaves from different countries worked together.
In the household the stress of labour might not be so continuous,
but the slave was only a chattel. His evidence might be required
in the law courts, but his bare word could not be trusted, and
confession under torture was always required. If the poor victim
was permanently injured the master received damages.
As the dawn came swiftly, so came the setting ; and the downfall
of Athens was due in part to the demoralising tributes of dependent
states* and in part to the curse of slavery.
BOME.
Behind even the commercial struggles for supremacy in olden
days was the spirit — the intrusive spirit — of the warrior; and it
is with us still. The "good old rule" sufficed in times past "that
they should take who have the power. ' ' It was done openly then ;
it is done under clever pretexts to-day.
Training in arms, building of ships, and forging of weapons
were forced upon the peacefully inclined among ancient states,
purely for self-preservation. In recognising this, let the distinction
between a purely defensive warfare, such as was waged by the
Greeks against Persia, and that of a conqueror like Alexander be
noted; and also the tendency, having once been warmed by the
tribal, fighting spirit, to its becoming a consuming fire. The history
of ancient Eome furnishes its own moral.
In Virgil's great poem, "The iEneid, " the travels of ^neas
and those who escaped from burning Troy are told. Arrived on
Italian shores, ^neas visits the kingdom of the dead, and there
has a vision of their descendants — the future Eoman nation which
would spring from this Trojan remnant.
Whether Eomulus and other less legendary characters ever
really lived is unimportant, and whether the Trojans were ancestors
of the Eomans, if momentarily interesting, is equally so. Early
Eome lies in the shadows. Another people of uncertain origin —
* According to Aristotle, nearly the whole of the male population of Athens
was supported by tribute.
506
So7ne Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
the Etruscans — dominated central Italy at one period, and some-
at least of the Roman kings were of that race. Lars Porsena of
Clusium, who figures in Macaulay's "Lays," was a king of the
Etruscans, taking up arms to restore the vicious Tarquin, son of
the last King of Rome, who had been hounded out of the city.
The Etruscans appear to have reached a moderate degree of
civilisation. Remains of their architecture and aqueducts are still
extant. Italy in those days was mostly covered by forests and
marshes, and villages were usually built upon piles. A preference
for the seaboard was a wise one, and Greek colonies appeared
very early in southern Italy. The city of Tarentum was one of
the first and the most important.
Early rivalries between Romans and Etruscans led to wider
complications and the eventual absorption of several tribes in the
growing Roman power, A sudden invasion of the Celts from the
north — a horde of half -naked warriors, who captured and sacked
Rome — was responsible for our lack of reliable knowledge. They
departed speedily, being too barbaric for a settled life.
After this, dangers from the north were reduced by making
military roads and establishing fortified colonies. Trouble in
the south and from mountain men (the Samnites) and from the
Greek settlements ended in Roman supremacy throughout Italy.
One of the earliest roads is known in history as the Flaminian
Way. Two others were famous — the Latin Way and the Appian
Way. The position of the city had been well chosen — hard to
reach, strongly situated — and the character of the people had little
of the ebullient imaginativeness of the Greek race. Sturdy
cohesion and aptitude to discipline helped to build up a nationality
and an empire of enormous power. From the expulsion of the
Tarquins to the age of Julius Caesar — about five centuries — ^Rome
was a republic. The government was chiefly in the hands of the
Senate, a select body composed chiefly of military leaders, who
had first justified their rule by upholding the honour of the city
against "false Sextus." Under the Senate, active government
was in the hands of two consuls, who were elected annually.
They had supreme power in war and considerable authority in
the city, and the right of veto upon each other's judgments.
The survival of Rome was due to successful emergence from
many desperate struggles, and it is small wonder that the spirit of
conquest and empire eventually dominated her policy.
There was an early division of the people into patricians and
plebeians, and the beginning of Roman history is largely a record
of their struggles.
Besides the Senate there was the popular assembly, or Lower
House, and, later, the Plebeian Assembly. In the year when the
monarchy ended (509 B.C.) the "Plebs" were roused into rebellion
on account of the drastic laws respecting debtors. "The law of
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Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
debt," says Macaulay, "framed by creditors, and for the protection
of creditors, was the most horrible that has ever been known."
The rebels were pacified by offered concessions and a persuasive
parable, told by a senator, of a quarrel between the belly and the
limbs. One of the important recognitions of popular rights was
obtained a few years later in the appointing of two tribunes. The
contempt of the patrician class for these is well depicted in
Shakespeare's Coriola.nus.
At first two only were chosen, but eventually the number grew
to ten. In them was invested the power of protecting the "Plebs"
from oppression. The "Plebs' " Assembly, at first only an
institution without authority, in time secured a legal status in its
decisions.
The basis of many Eoman laws and customs was religion.
If we call it superstition, at least it may be regarded as sincere,
and as intelligent as some of our present-day observances and
customs. The word pontiff, as we use it to-day, has its origin in
the of&ce of the Pontifex Maximus of early Eome, whose official
residence was by the Tiber; and that dated back to the time when
migratory tribes reached river banks in days when every river was
sacred to its deity, and a special religious ceremonial was required
ere a bridge could be thrown across.
The consulting of omens was at first a natural act of observation.
Foretelling the weather by flights of birds developed into the.
fantastical observations of the auspicium.
The wandering tribes, ere they settled in some fertile spot, would
examine the entrails of indigenous animals to guide them in their
conclusions as to the salutary conditions of the climate and soil.
This developed into a board of Augurs, who discovered the will
of the gods by these methods.
The transmission of religious ideas came naturally with
commercial contact, and the tracing of European theocracies
to the East is a study of great interest. But some also give
evidence of racial succession, or close affinity. Thus the
lares and penates of the Eoman household carry us naturally
back to the "wonderful guest" of the Aryans, who first
invaded Hindustan. There is an approximation in these
conceptions appreciably near to the highest of Christian ideals.
Every respectable Eoman home was a temple. In it resided the
departed spirits of ancestors. There was a sacred centre in each
house, where the ancestral images were kept, and here the family
gathered daily for prayer. There was a recognised guardianship
on the part of good spirits known as manes. Domestic and public
ancestry were included in the lares and penates. At some
funerals images of ancestors were carried to the grave, and their
deeds recited to rouse the spirit of emulation in the young.
One peculiarity of Eoman law was that for many centuries there
was no jurisdiction over private life. A man was supreme in his
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Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
own house. Eeligious institutions authorised it. He was entitled
to punish his own children by death or slavery if so willed. But
until the later days of the empire life in Rome had many charms.
The birth of a boy was a time for rejoicing. A rehgious festival
was held. A curious superstition was observed in the hanging
round the child's neck of a gilded disc — or a leather one in poor
houses — as a charm against the evil eye.
For seven years the mother had the child's training in her own
hands, and it is interesting to note the contrast between the sex's
position in Rome and in Athens. For an Athenian woman to
intrude into public life was to acquire an unenviable notoriety. The
Roman mother enjoyed a wider sphere of influence. The historical
episode in Shakespeare's Coriolanus, where Volumnia visits the
Volscian camp to plead with her son, represents a true Roman
mother.
At seven years of age the boy left the maternal control. His
wider education began. He was trained in swimming, riding,
throwing the javehn. He was taught to be modest, obedient, and
respectful to elders, and reverential to the gods.
Wherever there are children there must be toys. Many of
these, like our own English toys, were constructed to teach as-
well as amuse. Some of these, after the conquest of Greece and
the adoption of Athenian schoolmasters, would probably be of
Grecian origin. Big letters of ivory were in vogue with which the
child learned to read. Writing was learned in somewhat the same
fashion as in Athens. If the Enghsh boy is oppressed with
arithmetic problems, what must it have been in Rome? The
simplest of our sums would become alarming with Roman numerals.
To multiply 88 by 8 would be figured thus : LXXXVIIT. x VIII.
Grammar was an important part of the curriculum. Literature
involved, as time went by, the growing collection of Roman poets,
and also Homer and ^sop. As with numerals so with Roman
letters — all were in capitals, the words running together; learning
to read must have been a formidable task.
It is interesting to note that some schoolmasters were given
their freedom and paid large salaries.
Not only did famous citizens learn from slaves, but sometimes
at their receptions learned men would be specially engaged to
discourse on various subjects, and the lord of the feast took unction
to himself for their wisdom.
But what of the common people — free citizens ? Alas I their
freedom was little more than the licence of the soldier. We may
admire the rites and beliefs of the Roman family, and accept the
statement in a qualified way that therein lay the strength of Rome,
but when we turn to the humbler ranks we find the poor were
excluded. Ancestry did not belong to them, nor lares and penates
in any private sense. The protection of guardian spirits belonged
to the man of property.
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Sofne Ancient CiDilisations and their Lessons.
The evolution of property ownership in Eome was no fortuitous
affair. Early migrations, settlements, communal ownerships,
appropriation of land : this stereotyped order had been the
-experience of Eome. The land question always and everywhere in
the world's history has been a casus belli, internal or external. It
was one of the problems of ancient Eome, and her solution of it
■contributed to her downfall.
It has been suggested that the long-sustained struggle with
Oarthage (the flourishing Phoenician colony), known as the Punic
Wars, was the turning point for evil in the history of Eome. From
that date the aggressive spirit became predominant — the evil genius
of the state. The Senate, once noble and trustworthy, became a
den of thieves, "experts, specialists of war and empire." Honest,
free industry was gradually superseded, and the freeman, the
victim of rich moneylenders, was often sold into slavery himself.
"Eome,'' declared Augustine, "had never been a republic at all,
"because justice had no place in it." Public land was by degrees
fraudulently appropriated. The old upright Eoman character that
had been built up in agricultural industry was now dragged at the
heels of patrician overlords, and the spirit of defence debased into
one of defiance and conquest.
Henceforth there was a fearful increase in internal corruption, immorality,
Ijribery, and insatiable eagerness for riches, disregarding everything else and
impudently setting aside laws, orders of the Senate, and legal proceedings,
making war unauthorised, celebrating triumphs without permission, plundering
the provinces, robbing the allies.*
In the reign of militarism, when Eoman soldier adventurers
ravaged the civilised world, the cattle raids of early warfare were
transformed into demands for tribute. For four or five centuries
the Eomans were maintained by the violent spoliation of the world's
wealth.
Slave labour of patrician landholders was devoted to the
•cultivation of the olive and the vine, and cattle-breeding took the
place of corn-growing. Increasing poverty was met by the free
distribution of corn, taken as tribute, or bought at conquerors'
prices in corn-producing states. The unprofitable growing of corn
in Italy gradually depopulated the land. Free food in Eome
brought a demoralised crowd into the city; and when similar
distribution took place in other Italian towns the demoralisation
was only intensified. Never could any tyranny have been termed
parasitical more appropriately than that of Eome. Corn, being
the chief product of several countries, their tribute was largely
paid in kind. If paid in gold the money had to be devoted to the
purchase of foreign food.
In the second century B.C. the two brothers Gracchi — the
famous' "jewels," in their childhood, of their mother Cornelia —
were born. The names of these brothers stand out as the land
reformers of Eoman history. The problem of poverty and
*Teu£Eel, History of Roman Literature.
510
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
agricultural depression appealed to the elder brother, Tiberius,
who threw himself with energy into the passing of what has been,
called a Small Holdings Act. So eager was he to force the bill
through that he broke the laws in the attempt. This provided the
opportunity to his enemies, and he was slain on the Capitol, the
people for whom he had struggled making no effort to save him.
Nine years later, Caius, the younger brother, was elected
Tribune, and carried forward the work Tiberius had begun. He
has been described as a **Eoman statesman of the highest order,
a gentleman in the best and noblest sense." But the efforts of
one man, however courageous and sagacious, could not curb the
reactionary forces of vested interests, nor lift a degraded people
out of the mire. There was a millstone round the neck of Eome
slowly strangling the nation. Caius Gracchus was also murdered
by his enemies.
How easy it is for the thoughtful mind to trace the devastating
effects of the imperial spirit below the glitter of conquest. The
almost voiceless suffering that lay beneath is revealed. The
aspirations of the democracy were frustrated, and the very gains
of the victor contributed to their undoing. Not indeed to theirs
alone. The curse fell on all. Wealth accumulated and men
decayed in all ranks. Among the patrician classes it contributed
to a voluntary plunge into gross excesses.
In the first century B.C. Eome was absolutely a military empire.
Soldier adventurers such as Caesar, Pompey, and Sulla dominated
its destinies. Faction ran mad. Deeds which might be paralleled
by the massacre of St. Bartholomew were recorded. In the
absence of Sulla on one of his expeditions his enemies took the
opportunity of putting to death more than a thousand nobles and
fifty senators of his party. ^Yhen Sulla returned with an army,
enriched with spoils, he exacted a fearful retribution. Not only the
participants in the slaughter were proscribed. Their sons and
grandsons, those who sheltered them, those who were denounced
by traitors, fell at the hands of hired assassins. "There was not a
single temple," says Plutarch, "not a house but was polluted with
blood. Husbands were slaughtered in the arms of their wives, and
sons in the arms of their mothers, while numbers were put out of
the way for the sake of their property."
And through all these calamities the "Plebs" were inevitable
sufferers. Their ranks were decimated by continuous wars until,
of necessity, a mercenary soldiery had to take their place.
But beyond and outside this were the vast hosts of slaves.
Except in respect of climate the lot of the Eoman slaves must have
been almost as terrible as in Babylon. The wars of Eome were
chiefly undertaken for plunder in the shape of gold or slaves.
Wherever unharried countries offered scope for putting off the
approaching Nemesis it was eagerly seized. Internecine struggles
in the early days brought many thousands of slaves of the same
511
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
Latin race into Eome. As war extended a tremendous slave market
developed. "Slave merchants followed the armies, and sales on the
battlefield were superintended by the military questors who
represented the state,"* for the state drew a vast revenue from a
slave tax. If the supply exceeded the demand the price fell
proportionately. On one occasion the prisoners brought only the
equivalent of four francs apiece. Csesar's campaigns were chiefly in
quest of slaves. After one victory in Gaul he sold as many as
53,000, and the victories of every great general produced fresh
relays. In addition to Eoman conquests, private slavers crowded
the Mediterranean and found a ready market in Italy. Besides
taxation the slave trade was under state protection. Fraud and
concealment were punishable, and contracts might be cancelled
up to a year after purchase if physical defects appeared in the slave.
The architectural remains of Eome are relics of slave labour.
Her colossal public buildings recalled the great structures of Babylon. .
The Circus Maximus accommodated 285,000 spectators. In her vast public
warehouses she was able to store millions of bushels of grain. . . . The
Forum of Augustus, with its faQades of dazzling white marble, was doubtless a
noble structure, but the Forum of Trajan was conceived on a grander scale.
In order merely to prepare its site, the ridge of rock which connected the
Capitol and the Quirinal was removed by the labour of thousands of slaves.*
The great aqueducts, some of which extended sixty miles, were
the work of slaves, and in the construction of the buildings the
preparation of the material, the slavery of the empire was involved.
Marble columns were quarried and shaped by slaves in tributary
states, brought overseas by slaves in ships built and manned by
There is a contrast which may well be made between the
inadequately paid labourer of to-day and the unpaid slave of Eome.
Underpaid labour may be replaced, but to underfeed a slave who
had been purchased like a horse was at least impolitic.
The skill of the slave naturally regulated his market price, in
which buyer and seller alone reaped gain. But a skilled slave was-
worth a good sum, and it was to his master's interest to feed him
properly. In many cases no doubt this would apply, but
unrestrained impulse seldom listens to reason, and even the
valuable slave might be killed in a moment of temper with absolute
impunity. For the" unskilled, in a teeming slave market, the
reader may picture the fates which daily threatened. In many
houses an array of fiendish instruments of torture were kept, and
these were used upon the most trifling occasions. The tongue of
the talkative might be cut off, the eyes of another torn out, a
recaptured runaway might have his legs broken, and interference
there could be none. Crucifixions were common.
The wealthy Eoman possessed, in some cases, thousands of
slaves. Every possible post was filled by slaves. A slave was.
* The Nemesis of Nations.
512
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
chained to the door of the house to admit guests. Slaves cooked
and served up the feasts and poured out the slave-made wine ; slaves
provided music and song, taught children, copied manuscripts.
The arts and culture of Greece were at the command of the
conquerors. The master aped the Assyrian tyrants. Slaves
fanned him, tasted his food, and whisked the flies from his lordly
brow. Slaves wove his cloth and his linen, made his furniture
and crockery. It has been estimated by Gibbon that over the empire
during the reign of Claudius there were 60 millions of slaves,
and even in Eome, with a population of just over 300,000 freemen,
there were nearly a million slaves. Not alone were the splendid
buildings of Eome erected by slaves; not alone as servitors did
they enter the baths, restaurants, reading-rooms, and promenades ;
contrasting daily, as many of them must have done, their own
unhappy lot with that of these self-indulgent citizens ; but,
crowning mockery and shame of all, it was from their ranks that
the amusements of the amphitheatre w^ere supplied. Thousands
of gladiators perished in the arena every year, hired out by their
masters, who, in case of death, received their due compensation.
A sad commentary on the condition of Imperial Eome was
discovered in the opening out of an ancient cemetery. A vast pit
was found therein, a thousand feet in length and three hundred
deep. This was the city tip, where dead slaves, dead dogs, and
all manner of refuse were thrown.
The same reason operated against rebellion in Eome as in
Athens. Slaves of different nationalities worked side by side, often
animated by bitter race hatreds towards each other. And yet,
with a vast slave population, there was always a danger and the
fear of revolt. In the year 73 B.C. began the great outbreak under
Spartacus. At first a Eoman auxiliary, he deserted and became a
bandit. He was captured and sent to a training school for
gladiators. A man of resource and leadership, he persuaded a
band of gladiators into rebellion. Eighting their way to freedom
they found refuge in the crater of Vesuvius. Other slaves joined
them, and a force of 3,000 soldiers sent against them was defeated.
A proclamation of freedom for slaves was sent out. and quickly
a rebel army of 70,000 gathered, and again the Eomans were
overpowered. For two years, with the aid of Gallic allies, the
existence of Eome was threatened, but at a critical moment, when
marching on the city, 30,000 Gauls, for some unexplained reason,
forsook his standard. Escape to the Alps was still possible, but
the slave army refused to go. In the final battle Spartacus was
slain, and the recaptured slaves in thousands were massacred in
cold blood.
We may not trace further the decay of Eome, of which we have
but seen the beginning, nor dwell upon the brave efforts of Trajan
and the Antonines to stem the downfall. Eventually, in the fifth
century a.d., a disunited empire and a succession of barbaric
MM 513
Some Ancient Civilisations and their Lessons.
invasions, repelled with difficulty, found Eome too feeble to
withstand the Vandals, who, swarming in from the south,
conquered the "eternal city," and made burlesques of its sacred
institutions. Says Gibbon: —
The decline of Rome was the natural and inevitable effect of immoderate
greatness. Prosperity ripened the principles of decay; the causes of destruction
multiplied with the extent of conquest; and as soon as time or accident had
removed the artificial supports the stupendous fabric yielded to the pressure of
its own weight. The story of its ruin is simple and obvious; and instead of
inquiring why the Eoman Empire was destroyed, we should rather be surprised
that it subsisted so long.
It may well be argued in justification of the policies of ancient
empires that no other course had any appeal. The lex talionis,
even for the greatest thinkers, was the only rational one. The
right of superior strength was Nature's object-lesson. It might
even be urged that lower intelligences are not subject to the
extremes of suffering and emotion that belong to the more
highly cultured. Moreover, the spread of Christianity was only
synchronous with the decline of the empire, and the education of
conscience in Christian ethics is tardy. In spite of all, there
emerges the fact that the humanities cannot be abused with
impunity, and that what a nation sows it must reap. For us
to-day, heirs of the ages, many parallels and many dissimilarities
between old and new appear. It would be foolish to deny that
Rome gave much to the world. So did Babylon. But the best
that Eome gave was her laws, her language, and her literature,
and these were not contingent upon her imperialism. Her iron
hand in conquered lands must have crushed down far more than
it lifted. Her military roads are among the few useful legacies
that her material power has left us, and we may wisely ponder
the lesson that ** 'the things that are most excellent' have no
dependence on mere material magnitude." Finally, we may
learn that divided interests in a state tend to disaster, and wealth
and luxury founded upon injustice must eventuate in ruin. If
we still deplore ignorance and apathy, deplore reactions into a
wild, unreasoning war spirit, the vox populi is growing louder, more
intelligent, and more insistent, and gives promise of emancipation
from the thraldom of militarism and plutocracy.
514
The Cost of Living:
The Co-operative Movement and its Mission.
BY H. CLEMENT GRAY.
Introduction.
THE subject embraced by the title of this article is so wide,
so far-reaching, and the possibilities so great, that to do
full justice to it would necessitate the writing of a book.
In a comparatively short article, such as this must necessarily be,
one must be brief and to the point, and yet, at the same time,
endeavour to include as much useful matter as possible in the
limited space at one's disposal.
The writer of an article of this nature cannot, and does not,
claim to cover all the ground, but he can indicate the lines upon
which he thinks this great co-operative movement might proceed
in order that the consumer may reap to the full the advantages to
be derived from combination.
The continuous rise in the prices of commodities, more
particularly in relation to those articles which are in every-day
use, and the methods which might be adopted as a means of
counteracting the effect which such increase has upon the working
classes is a matter which should receive the most careful
consideration of those who form part of the co-operative
community. The co-operative movement, with all its immense
purchasing power, does not appear to have that controlling
influence in regard to the fixing of prices which, by the magnitude
of its trade, it ought to have, and it is the aim of this article to
point out a way whereby this may be accomplished.
Without further preliminaries I propose to go straight to the
heart of the subject, and, to avoid possible confusion, to divide
the paper into two parts. In the first part I shall show how
prices have increased during recent years, and point out some of
the principal causes which have brought about this increase; and,
in the second part., endeavour to suggest a remedy by means of
which, through collective trading, the consumer may work out
his own salvation.
I. The Increased Cost of Living.
During recent years prices — and we will deal more particularly
with the price of foodstuffs as more nearly affecting us as consumers
— have steadily been rising. One has only to refer to the report
published by the Board of Trade to find that meat, bacon, flour,
$16
The Cost of Living.
bread, coal, wearing apparel, and rent have increased to a great
extent during the last decade. The report is interesting reading,
but one is appalled to find that during the fifteen years from 1896
to 1912 retail food supplies rose about 25 per cent., which is 5s.
in the £.
The Board of Trade special inquiry, however, deals more
particularly with the period from 1905 to 1912, and extends to
the conditions existing in eighty-eight towns. It shows that the
cost of living, as represented by rents (including rates) and the
retail prices of the selected articles of food and coal, was between
11 and 12 per cent, higher in London than in the other eighty-
seven towns investigated, taken as a whole. In this respect the
Scottish towns come next, and at the other end of the scale are
the towns in the Midlands, in which both rents and prices were
at a low average comparatively. With the exception of a few
towns, notably Coventry and Macclesfield, rents show little increase
over 1905. In London rents have fallen by about 4 per cent.,
although they still remain much higher for the same accommodation
than in any other town in this country. The general level of
prices of food and coal in the different towns showed a greater
degree of uniformity than rents. The amount of the advance
between October, 1905, and October, 1912, has, however, been
much greater in some towns than in others, varying from 7 per
cent, at Portsmouth to 20 per cent, at Stockport. The percentage
changes between 1905 and 1912 in the eighty-eight towns where
inquiry has been made are as follows: —
Increase per cent.
Rents 1-8
Retail Prices of Food and Coal 13'7
Rents and Retail Prices Combined 11'3
These figures relate only to rents (including rates) and the retail
prices of the principal articles of food and coal.
An attempt was made to ascertain the course of prices of
clothing during the years referred to, but this part of the inquiry
was beset with special difficulties. From the information obtained,
however, the conclusion was arrived at that there had been a rise
in the cost of clothing, probably not much less in proportion than
that of food and clothing combined, the rise taking the form either
of increased price or of inferior quality. The general result of the
inquiry shows that while rents have on the average changed very
little in the seven years under review, the retail prices of articles
of workmen's consumption have greatly increased during the same
period, and that probably the average increase during the period
in the cost of workmen's rent, food, fuel, and clothing taken
together may be put at about 10 per cent., or 2s. in the £.*
How hardly this hits the low wage-earner, where every shilling
is of vital importance, may be imagined.
* Board of Trade Labour Gazette.
516
The Cost of Living.
In an excellent series of articles which appeared in the Daily
News some time ago, Mr. Chiozza Money gives the following table
as to how wages and prices have moved in the period embraced by
the years from 1895 to 1910, viz. : —
Year.
Wages
Index Number.
Wholesale Prices
Index Number.
London
Petail Prices
Index Number.
1895
89-1
89-9
90-8
93-2
910
88-2
901
93-2
93-2
1896
92-0
1897
96-2
1898
100-8
1899
95-4
923
96-4
1900
1000
991
1000
96-9
100-0
1901
101-9
1902
97-8
96-6
101-6
1903
97-2
96-9
103-2
1904
96-7
98-3
104-3
1905
97-0
97-6
103-7
1906
98-4
100-5
103-2
1907
101-8
106-7
105-8
1908
101-2
102-8
108-4
1909
100-0
1040
108-2
1910
100-2
108-8
109-9
Inc. per cent.
Inc. per cent.
Inc. per cent.
Movement in
15 years ...
12-4
19-5
17-9
Mr. Chiozza Money comments on these figures as follows : —
The first column, taking the year 1900 as a standard, shows the wages of
the other years named expressed as a percentage of those of 1900 for the
foUowmg group of trades : building, coal-mining, engineering, textile trades,
and agriculture. The second column shows in similar fashion the movement of
wholesale prices. The third column shows the movement of London retail
food prices. It will be seen that in fifteen years, while wages have risen
little more than 12 per cent., food prices have risen by nearly 18 per cent.,
which means that real wages have actually fallen in the last fifteen years.
Next observe what has happened since 1900. In that period wages have been
ahnost stationary, while prices have advanced about 10 per cent.
Let US pause for one moment and compare the position of the
worker in the year 1905 with the year 1912. We can only take
the figures relating to the trades selected for the Board of Trade
inquiry, but they will serve as an illustration. We have seen
that the cost of living has during the past seven years increased by
10 per cent., i.e., 2s. in the £. On the other hand, the following
are the mean percentages of advances in wages in the specified
trades, viz. : —
Skilled. Unskilled.
Bmlding 1-9 26
Engineering 5'5 3*9
Compositors 4'1 —
These percentages are the average rates of increase. In some
towns the increase has been greater than in others, and again in
517
• The Cost of Living.
some districts there has been no change at all. It will be seen,
however, that in no case does the advance in wages compensate
the increase in the cost of living. This proves conclusively that
the workman is in a worse position now than he was in 1905.
An interesting piece of evidence as to the increase in the
cost of living has been pubHshed by the Co-operative Wholesale
Society, which has worked out an average weekly family order on
various dates from 1898 to 1913. The average order consists of
lib. of bacon, 21bs. of butter, -^Ib. of cheese, 121bs. of flour, ^Ib.
of lard, lib. of meal, 41bs. of sugar, ^Ib. of tea. The prices are
calculated on a wholesale basis, but the rise in retail prices of
these articles has been on the whole quite as great as in the
wholesale rates. It is calculated that the above goods cost the
purchaser as follows on the dates named, viz, : —
Year. Pence.
1898 63-85
1906 67-28
1908 70-21
1910 72-38
1911 71-00
1912 74-28
1913 72-54
This shows an increased cost for 1906 over 1898 of 537 per
cent., 1908 over 1898 of 9'95 per cent., 1910 over 1898 of 13-36
per cent., 1911 over 1898 of 11'20 per cent., 1912 over 1898 of
16*33 per cent., and a decrease for 1913 on 1912 of 2'46 per cent.
At the time of writing the figures for 1914 are not yet published,
but by the courtesy of the O.W.S. I am able to give a comparison
between the years ended June, 1913, and June, 1914, which is
the latest information available. From these figures it would
appear that the slight decrease in cost which took place in 1913 is
likely to be repeated in 1914. The cost of the 21|lbs. of goods
previously referred to for the year ended June, 1913, was 73'08
pence, whereas the same articles could be purchased during the
year ended June, 1914, for 71*36 pence, a decrease of 1*72 pence,
or 2*40 per cent., when compared with the year previous. The
average price of coal also has considerably increased. The following
are the average prices of coal at the pit mouth : —
1906.
1908.
1910.
1911.
1912.
1913,
Per ton.
S. d,
9 IH
Per ton.
s. d.
10 9
Per ton.
s. d.
13 3
Per ton.
s. d.
13 3
Per ton.
s. d.
13 3
Per ton.
S. d.
14 9
Per ton.
s. d.
15 9
showing an increased cost for 1906 over 1898 of 7'95 per cent.,
1908, 1910, and 1911 over 1898 of 33*05 per cent., 1912 over
1898 of 48*12 per cent., and 1913 over 1898 of 58*16 per cent.
This statement, coming from such a source, shows at a glance
how and to what extent the increase in prices has affected the
518
The Cost of Living.
working-class consumer, as the bulk of the trade done by the
co-operative movement is with the working classes.
The increased cost of living is not confined to this country
alone ; in fact, in most other countries of which we have statistics
the rise has been greater than with ug. All available statistics go
to prove that this tendency to advance prices is world-wide and
general, and is not confined to any particular country or to any
particular commodity. The causes for this increase are many and
varied.
GOLD PRODUCTION.
The increase in the output of gold is one of the theories advanced
by. those who have made a study of the question, although in the
opinion of some experts this is not the dominating factor which it
is popularly supposed to be. The following figures, extracted
from The Statist, relating to the world's gold production will be
interesting, viz. :— £ £
1860 23,850,000
1865 24,040,000
1870 :. 21,370,000
1875 22,700,000
1880 22,130,000
1885 21,250,000
1890 ............ 24,260,000
1895 :.... 40,842,000
1900 52,311,000
1905 78,143,000
1910 96,225,000
1913 ♦94,720,000
•Preliminary estimate.
It will be seen from these figures that since the year 1895
the output of gold has increased from £40,842,000 to £94,720,000
annually. When we take into account that since 1896 prices have
been continually on the upward grade, it seems reasonable to
suggest that the gold supply, seeing that our prices are measured
in gold, has some bearing on the subject, as the cheaper money is
(gold being the standard of currency generally adopted) the higher
in price are those articles which money will purchase. Gold
production has increased enormously, with consequent depreciation
in its value as a purchasing medium. Not only gold, but the
increase in paper money, such as cheques, bills of exchange, and
other means of credit, must be taken into account in arriving at
the total value of the currency and its effect on prices. However,
it would be absurd to make the statement that the increase in the
gold supply is responsible for the whole, or even the main part, of
the recent rise in prices, for this reason, that although the cost of
almost every commodity has risen to some extent there is a great
variation in the amount of the rise. If the gold supply were the
dominant factor, then it would follow that there would be an
all-round rise of practically equal proportions, which is not the
case.
In regard to the effect of currency on prices, the increase in
the volume of trade has also to be reckoned with, as this of course
tends to counteract its effect. The volume of trade has of course
greatly increased, and a large proportion of the increased currency
619
The Cost of Living.
has been required to cope with it. Then, again, other countries
have recently adopted the gold standard of currency, and the
consequent absorption of gold in the development of new countries
helps to counteract the influence of the increase in production of
that commodity on prices. The increase in gold and credits
certainly appears to be one of the causes of increased prices,
although to what extent cannot be definitely stated ; but there are
numerous other causes at work which have to be carefully
considered in order to arrive at a proper understanding of the
question. For instance,
INCREASED CONSUMPTION
owing to, the advance of civilisation, and the adoption of Western
standards of ideas and method of living in the East. The Eastern
races are waking up, and are no longer satisfied with what
sufficed for their forefathers. Articles of food which, until
recently, they had no use for are now being imported in large
quantities. Their imports of cotton, leather, and other goods are
also largely on the increase, and with their immense population
this fact is bound to have an effect upon the prices of those articles,
and as the price of one commodity is so closely bound up with the
price of another, the result is a general increase all round.
Machinery is being imported in large quantities into India, China,
and Japan. Factories are being established in these and other
countries. Machinery is being laid down in order that they may
manufacture their own requirements. Hence there will be a greater
demand for raw material, which, unless such raw material is
produced in greater quantity, will naturally enhance the price.
Then, of course, there is the
INCREASE IN WAGES
to take into account. This is bound to react on prices. As the
result of a strike, or from other causes, an employer increases the
wages of his employes, but in the majority of cases this increase,
although he is compelled to pay it, does not come out of the
employer's own pocket. He immediately puts up the price of the
particular commodity which he manufactures, as, of course, when
costing the article he always takes into consideration the expense
he has been put to in producing that article, and the amount paid
in wages is included in the cost of production; therefore, as prices
react upon the prices of other articles, the consumer has to pay in
the long run. Moreover, the manufacturer will not be content with
merely increasing the price of the article he produces by just the
proportionate amount of the increase in wages which he has to
pay; he will, and probably does, put on a little more to compensate
himself for the trouble to which he has been put. It can be seen
at once what an anomalous position the worker is in. The worker
is also the consumer, but sometimes he apparently does not realise
520
The Cost of Living.
this; and, although he obtains an increase in his wages, he derives
httle or no benefit therefrom, because the spending power of his
wages being decreased owing to the advance in prices consequent
upon increased wages, the benefit of the increase is taken from him
in his capacity as consumer. It is simply a case of giving with the
one hand and taking away with the other. And so it goes on. The
worker is exploited by the capitalist in every way, but in the main
he either cannot see it or the spirit of laissez faire has so got hold of
him that he is not inclined to trouble his head about the matter. It
is for the worker to wake up and realise his responsibilities. He
must combine as consumer also, and get into his own hands the
•control of production and the sources of supply before he can
hope to obtain a fair share of the wealth he helps to creat^e. Then
we have the law of
SUPPLY AND DEMAND.
Upon the extent of production of a particular commodity
depends the price of that commodity, and not only that, but the
price of other commodities as well. Take, for instance, bacon.
It is a well-known fact that in America the farmers restrict the
breeding of pigs according to the maize crop. If the maize crop
is poor the breeding of pigs is limited, and consequently bacon,
ham, and other hog products are dearer. Following upon this
point, if we study the question minutely we find, the various
commodities being closely interwoven one with another, that any
variation in the price of one affects the others to a certain extent.
We have only to refer back to the coal strike of 1911 to find an
illustration of this fact. Owing to the shortage of coal due to the
strike, manufacturers who depended upon that commodity in the
process of manufacture increased their prices to make up for the
additional expense of production, and, as a result, so closely
connected are the things necessary to life, abnormal prices ruled
for a time even for commodities which at first sight would appear
to be as far removed from coal as are the two poles asunder.
The restricted transport facilities due to the shortage of coal also
had an effect in increasing the prices of commodities owing to the
increase of demand over supply.
The United States has in the past exported large quantities of
foodstuffs to this and other European countries, but our supplies
from this source are gradually diminishing, the wheat exported
from that country in 1910 being 87 million bushels, as compared
with 235 million in 1902. Corn exports show a similar decline,
the total for 1910 being but 38 million bushels, which is less than
at any time in the last dozen years except 1902 and 1909. Exports
of meats and food animals show an equally marked decline, those
of meat and dairy products having been in 1910 but 131 million
dollars, against 211 million in 1906, and those of cattle 12 million
dollars, against 42 million dollars in 1906.
521
The Cost of Living.
• As regards the supply of wheat, we are not altogether dependent
upon the United States. A great amount of wheat is grown in
Eussia, France, India, and other countries; but as regards corn,
four-fifths of the world's produce is grown in the States. The
following tables relating to the world's production of wheat and
corn will show the position at a glance: —
WHEAT.
Area.
Production.
1913.
1912.
1913.
1912.
United States ....
Russia in Eiu-ope
Russia in Asia . . .
France
Acres.
50,184,000
62,070,000
13,103,000
16,170,000
11,015,000
29,569,000
11,842,000
4,878,000
1,790,000
Acres.
45,814,000
60,666,000
10,729,000
16,239,000
10,997,000
31,141,000
11,761,000
4,759,000
1,971,000
Bushels.
763,380,000
837,787,000
138,003,000
322,731,000
231,717,000
358,389,000
214,407,000
171,077,000
66,691,000
103,776,000
144,000,000
Bushels.
730,267,000
623,761,000
103,270,000
334,342,000
Canada
India
224,159,000
370,514,000
Italy....
166,721,000
160,226,000
Great Britain
and Ireland
67,402,000
89,232,000
Argentina
198,400,000
Totals
*200,621,000
♦30,689,000
194,067,000
33,608,000
3,341,958,000
578,746,000
3,067,294,000
Total other
Countries
612,858,000
World's Total ....
♦231,310,000
227,675,000
3,920,704,000
3,670,152,000
* These figures do not represent the total acreage under wheat, as some
of the countries have not made a return of the acreage to the Internationa)
Agricultural Institute, from whose report these figures are culled.
CORN.
Area.
Production.
1913.
1912.
1913.
1912.
United States ....
Hunsrarv
Acres.
106,820,000
6,422,000
3,954,000
5,305,000
4,216,000
1,696,000
Acres.
107,083,000
6,023,000
3,938,000
5,138,000
4,054,000
1,668,000
Bushels.
2,446,988,000
184,755,000
108,263,000
118,105,000
72,796,000
67,574,000
Bushels.
3,124,746,000
176,695,000
Italy
98,669,000
Roumania
111,012,000
Russia
79,607,000
60,858,000
Totals
Total other
Countries
127,412,000
2,313,000
127,904,000
2,406,000
2,988,480,000
69,107,000
3,651,587,000
61,643,000
World's Total ....
129,726,000
130,310,000
3,047,587,000
3,713,130,000
522
The Cost of Living.
The population of the large cities and manufacturing centres
of America has increased to an enormous extent during recent
years, and the production of foodstuffs in that country has not
kept pace with this increase. The population of America is now
over 100 millions, and the percentage of non-producers, as far as
foodstuffs are concerned, is much larger than it was, and is
continually increasing. The agricultural returns do not show a
corresponding expansion, hence the quantity available for
exportation grows less and less each year.
During the past few years there has been great prosperity in
America, and the people of that country — like the people here —
have acquired a higher standard of living, and consume more
flesh meat than formerly. The consumption of meat has increased
enormously, and this fact has caused prices to rise considerably,
and a demand has been created for pork, &c., out of all proportion
to what it was. Then the packer finds he can get a very high
price in America, and unless he can get a correspondingly high
price in this country he finds it better to sell his products at home,
and cuts down our supplies accordingly. As a matter of fact, the
quantity of hog products exported from America is about half of
what it was twenty-five years ago, and her exports of cheese and
butter are practically nil.
It may be taken for panted that in the future the United
Kingdom will be no more able to rely upon America for beef than
she can for wheat.
Mr. 0. P. Austin, of the U.S.A. Bureau of Labour and
Commerce, attributes the advance in prices of meats to the
great corporations which slaughter and prepare for use the bulk
of the food animals, and also to the partial transformation of the
great stock ranges of the West into farms, and the consequent
transfer of the hve stock industry from the range to the farm,
which has increased the cost of production of the marketable food
animal simultaneously with a reduction in the available supply of
such animals.
At present we have to rely chiefly upon Denmark for our
supplies of bacon, eggs, and butter, but when we consider the
rapidly increasing population of other European countries, we
are bound to come to the conclusion that eventually we shall
have to look elsewhere. From Canada we used formerly to
obtain considerable quantities of bacon and butter; now she uses
all her own butter, practically all her production of bacon,
and although at the present time she is able to send us a
considerable quantity of cheese, this is a diminishing quantity,
and the chances are that within the next ten years or so Canada will
not ship any dairy produce to this country. This can hardly be
surprising when we take into account the enormous number of
The Cost of Living.
people of all nationalities who are emigrating to that country every
year. Of course, Australia and New Zealand are dairy countries,
and steps are being taken in both colonies to increase the output of
dairy produce.
There is a great opportunity for Ireland in this direction if
only a definite policy could be settled in that country. We have
seen what has happened in Denmark within such an incredibly
short space of time by means of organised agriculture. The
conditions there were not so favourable as they are in Ireland,
the land was not so fertile, nor did they possess the natural
advantages of climate, &c., which Ireland has; yet by perseverance
and industry the Danes have made themselves the talk of the
world. Why cannot Ireland, with her splendid fertile soil and all
her other natural advantages which are there already to hand,
emulate Denmark in this respect ? It is to be hoped the Irish farmer
will find it to his advantage to look the question seriously in the
face, and that strenuous efforts will be put forth to endeavour to
make the Emerald Isle the agricultural country which it was by its
natural advantages intended to be. The Irish farmer has, of course,
been considerably handicapped in the past owing to want of
capital and to other conditions, but, with the help of the
development grant, which has been instituted by a wise
Government for the organisation of the agricultural industry,
and with the assistance of the credit societies which are already in
existence and which are now being established, let us hope a
brighter dawn is breaking. If by this means the rural depopulation
of Ireland caused by emigration can be checked, by finding work,
under proper conditions, for the agricultural labourer, who can
say what a glorious future is in store for that country ?
Cereals, such as wheat, oats, meal, &c., could not of course
be grown in the British Isles in quantities large enough to feed
the millions of people in this country, and for these necessaries
we are bound to depend to a large extent upon outside assistance.
The rise in these commodities has been largely brought about by
increased consumption, which in turn is the result of the rise in
the standard of life in all civilised countries. There is a greater
demand upon the limited supplies available, as the increased area
of the wheat fields of the world has not kept pace with the world's
consumption of wheat. The higher standard of life which has
been set up has resulted in an increased demand, not only for
what are commonly looked upon as necessaries alone, but for
what previously were considered luxuries. Wealth has in recent
years increased rapidly. The trade boom which has been
experienced during the past few years has been responsible for
the circulation of an enormous amount of money, and of course
has created larger ideas in the minds of those who have enjoyed
what might be called unaccustomed wealth for the time. This
has its effect on prices, but the ideas created still remain.
524
The Cost of Living.
Another factor which has to be taken into consideration in
studying the question is the
NON-PRODUCING CONSUMER.
A far greater proportion of the community is engaged in the
distribution or sale of goods than in their production. These
people are the link between the producer and the consumer, and
each has to take his toll before the goods arrive at their natural
destination. It is surprising through how many hands, under our
present competitive system, an article has to pass before it reaches
the customer who buys it retail from the shop. In foodstuffs
especially this applies, as there are so many merchants,
agents, and commercial travellers who make their living by the
commissions they draw from handling these goods. AU these
commissions, of course, add to the price of the goods. Then,
again, these people, together with other non-producing members
of the community, have all to be fed, housed, and clothed, and,
although they do not produce anything, their demands for the
necessaries of life must have an effect in forcing up prices. Then
take the question of
ADVERTISING.
Large sums of money are spent annually in this respect.
Nowadays, advertisements are not the crude compositions and
designs to which we were formerly accustomed. The showcards
which are distributed by large firms, the posters one sees on the
hoardings, are works of art, produced at enormous expense, each
finn or company endeavouring to outvie the others in order to
attract special attention to its own productions. Fabulous sums
are asked and given for spaces on the hoardings, and there is a
rush to get the best, and, of course, most expensive positions.
One firm alone has spent more than one million pounds in thus
bringing its productions before the public, and attributes its
success to its enterprise in this direction. This is, of course, the
result of competition. There is a tremendous waste here, but, being
one of the expenses of production, the cost is added to the price
of the goods. From the point of view of the consumer, surely
it would be better that the money spent in this manner should be
otherwise employed in helping to reduce the cost of the articles
in question.
INCREASE IN ARMAMENTS.
Here is another, and a serious, factor in the rise in prices.
Year by year an increasing amount of money is spent in maintaining
and multiplying the fighting machines of the world. The soldier
and the sailor, however useful they may be in keeping the peace
between nations, are non-producers, but at the same time they
must be kept. National jealousies are so strong that in European
countries especially an increasing number of able-bodied men are
525
The Cost of Living.
being withdrawn from the community of workers in order that
they may join the Army or the Navy. This fact alone, whereby
they become consumers instead of producers, increases the demand
in relation to the supply, thus helping to raise prices; but
another serious factor is the enormous waste of money involved
in manufacturing arms and ammunition, Dreadnoughts and the
like, which each country is compelled to do in order to keep pace
with the others. Notwithstanding all the efforts which have been
made to come to some arrangement whereby this waste might be
curtailed, money is being spent in this direction more rapidly
than ever. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a speech which
he delivered on July 15th, 1910, stated: —
The countries of the world are spending annually 450 millions of pounds
upon this machinery of destruction. In twenty years there has been an
increase of 200 millions per annum on this expenditure. All nations seem to
be infected with an epidemic of prodigality in that respect which seems to be
sweeping over the world, and sweeping to destruction. We take the lead in
that expenditure. After all, we have the greatest Empire to defend, and we
have got that excuse. But if the nations go on increasingly spending their
money upon matters which give neither assistance nor support to their people
on the road that leads to the highest civilisation they will inevitably suffer.
The fact that the money thus spent is raised by taxation in
itself increases prices, because it is taken from its legitimate
channel, i.e., trade, where it could be more usefully and profitably
employed, and practically thrown away, because as fast as these
weapons and munitions of war are manufactured, and battleships,
&c., are built, new improvements are introduced which render
them obsolete, and entail increased expenditure upon others which
are more up to date. Competition between nations is becoming
daily more keen, and the amount spent on these engines of
destruction increases every year. The consumer, whose only
desire is to live in peace, has to pay the piper, since the amount
of taxation he is called upon to bear in order that these things may
be provided reduces his power of purchasing those commodities
which are necessary to him.
It is estimated that since the year 1898 the Spanish-American
War, the South African War, and the Eusso-Japanese War cost
about £900,000,000. Consumption during the continuance of
these wars was naturally increased, and, in proportion to the
population, production was considerably curtailed, the result being
a great increase in demand in proportion to the supply,
consequently a marked advance in the price of commodities.
We often hear it said that co-operation knows no frontiers.
Surely, as the spirit of the movement spreads, the time will come
when the workers of all countries will come to know each other,
not as foes but as brothers, and will realise that the money which
has been blindly thrown away in the past can be better and more
profitably utilised in the future in alleviating the sufferings of
common humanity.
526
The Cost of Living,
TRUSTS AND COMBINES -
No article of this description would be complete without a
reference to the huge trusts and syndicates which, by retarding
the supphes of commodities over which they have control, force
up the prices to the consumer. It is impossible for trusts to
develop in this country to the same extent as in those countries
where they are fostered by high tariff walls ; but even here we have
huge combinations of capital dealing with cotton, iron and steel,
wallpaper, and other industries. Trusts, as is well known, operate
more largely in the United States of America than in any other
country, and there they are greatly helped by the tariffs. The
object of the trust is to eliminate competition for its own benefit.
Competition, especially foreign competition, means lowering of
prices, and where there is competition the manufacturer does not,
of course, make the same profit out of the buyer as is the case
where he has a monopoly. Consequently we find an industry
which is not successful complains of foreign competition, and the
Government places a tariff upon the foreign article in order that
the home manufacturer may have the pull. The knowledge that
the industry is safeguarded encourages other producers to enter
the field. There is fierce home competition for a time, then the
producers find that if they come to terms they will have full
control of the output of that particular commodity and of the
fixing of prices. This is the origin of the trust, hence "the tariff
of an artificial limitation of the field of competition, and by an
equally artificial stimulation of the industry doubly encourages
trusts."*
The modern trust has been defined in general terms as **an
arrangement for the control of several companies under one
direction to cheapen expenses, regulate production, and beat down
competition." This proves in itself that the trust is the outcome
of modern industrial conditions. Monopoly itself is no new thing,
for we find that in the Middle Ages there existed "gilds" in the
various towns which had control of buying and selling. Even in
those days we find that men had begun to combine for economic
ends. In 1634 Charles I., believing that it would stimulate business
and improve the quality of goods, granted the sole right to deal
in certain articles to companies formed for the purpose These
companies were enabled to dictate to the public the price of the
articles included in their patent, and restrain at their pleasure their
manufacture or sale.
These monopolies were, however, in comparison with present-
day methods, very much restricted. They were before the days
of modern capitalism with its attendant evils. The advent of
machinery has completely revolutionised the industrial world,
and has greatly increased the rate and volume of production.
* Hirst, The Story of the Trusts.
527
The Cost of Living.
Machinery grows more elaborate and more expensive year by year,
new inventions are constantly coming to the front which enable
the work to be done in a more efficient manner. In order to keep
up to date as regards increased production the old machinery is
done away with and the new installed in its place. In most
industries there are highly specialised machines to perform various
minor operations. These depreciate rapidly, so that only a large
business, with a great amount of capital, can afford to use them.
With a large business, too, the materials can be bought in
bulk, and therefore more cheaply. Hence with these and other
advantages, such as shipping and transport facilities, there has
been during the last century, and is now, a tendency to growth
in the size of businesses, and to concentration and production on
a large scale. The tendency towards combination is strongest in
those trades which provide the necessaries and comforts of life
for the bulk of the people. A well-known instance is the Beef
Trust of America, in which several large Chicago firms have
practically controlled wholesale and retail prices of beef and cattle
over most of the United States.
During the laSt twenty years or so combination am.ong
producers has increased very rapidly, and the control of the world's
goods has gradually been getting into the hands of the few.
Where previously there were several firms producing the same
class of- goods we now find a huge combination, with a central
body controlling these firms, eliminating competition and the
necessity for cutting prices and regulating production. The trust
certainly does away with a great amount of waste, but the increased
profits resulting therefrom go to line the pockets of the comparative
few who form the trust.
As has been previously stated, the home of the trust proper
is in America. There we have trusts on a very large scale indeed.
The tendency towards combination in that country commenced
about 1860 with the formation of pools, which, however, were
short-lived, and generally collapsed after they had exacted high
prices for a few months. The first real trust was the Standard
Oil Company, of Ohio, which was formed in 1882. In this case
the trustees held in their own hands the voting power of all the
constituent corporations, and thus prevented all competition
between them. This trust was so successful in its operations that
others soon followed its lead, notably in the whisky, sugar,
tobacco, and iron and steel trades, and, although anti-trust laws
have been passed in most of the states, they still carry on business
under constitutions altered to the minimum extent necessary to
avoid bringing them within reach of the law.
Apart from the trusts, there are other methods of inflating
prices, viz. : Price associations, corners, and pools. Price
associations are brought into being for the purpose of fixing price
628
The Cost of Living.
lists, and sometimes for regulating output. They are generally-
local, and are usually formed between persons in the same class
of trade or manufacture. A corner is purely speculative and
temporary in character, and is an attempt to control all the
immediate sources of supply to a market, and to exact high prices
from the buyer. Any commodity may be "cornered" — food,
metals, raw material, &c. — but a corner is merely a temporary
withholding of supplies for the purpose of exacting high prices
for the time being. There is nothing of a permanent nature about
it. The formation of pools is another method adopted for curtailing
wasteful expenditure in certain trades, controlling production, and
fixing prices.
As already pointed out, the fact that Britain has no
protective tariff prevents the establishment of trusts operating
in the same manner as pertains in America. This fact does
not prevent monopolies, or the formation of large capitalistic
combinations, but it does to a great extent prevent siich combinations
obtaining monopoly prices, as owing to our Free Trade policy
foreign competition has to be reckoned with. The tendency
towards industrial combination in England is largely necessitated
by the requirements of modern industry. These combinations are
of two kinds, i.e., horizontal and vertical. The horizontal type
came into being as a result of several firms operating in the same
branch of industry in a particular district finding themselves unable
to maintain prices on account of the keen competition betw^een
them. In order to safeguard themselves and their particular branch
of trade they combined or amalgamated into one huge concern,
which controls production and regulates prices. By this means
competition in the same market is done away with, the cost of
production is considerably lessened, and other economies are
effected.
*' Vertical" combinations are somewhat different in character.
Such combinations commence their operations at the very source,
or as near as possible to the source of supply, and control
production of the, article from the raw material to the finished
product. These combinations are at present mainly confined to
the iron and steel trades, but the tendency is spreading to other
trades, as, for instance, the Fine Cotton Spinners and Doublers'
Association Ltd., which owns and works its own coal-mines, so
that it shall not be dependent upon the market for the wherewithal
to run its machinery. A large firm of soapmakers has acquired
oil mills and copra fat supplies in various parts of the world in
order to secure its supplies of raw material, and so absorb
intermediate profits. Also the paper and printing enterprises
have secured lumber forests and pulping mills so as to ensure
their supplies of paper. Under modern conditions it is necessary
that the various processes in certain branches of the iron and steel
NN 529
The Cost of Living.
industries should be carried on as far as possible under combined
or concentrated management. The various branches of the industry-
have therefore combined forces, each plant becoming a co-operating
link in the unbroken chain from the raw material to the finished
article, the intermediate profits being treated as a final profit on
the finished product. As an instance of this, I might mention
Messrs. John Brown and Company Ltd., of Sheffield. This firm
is a striking example of the advantages accruing from "vertical"
combination. It owns extensive iron ore mines in Spain,
Lincolnshire, and Northamptonshire, and several collieries within
a few miles of its Sheffield works; it has its own blast furnaces
for producing steel, &c. ; and is connected with the Clydebank
Engineering and Shipbuilding Co. Ltd. and Messrs. Thomas Firth
and Sons Ltd. , which is one of the finest firms in the world for the
manufacture of ordnance and projectiles. The firm has also large
interests in Harland and Wolff, of Belfast, shipbuilders and
engineers, and is in a position to build and equip throughout,
without the assistance of outside firms, the largest battleship or
the fastest liner. The company is in the front rank of shipbuilders,
having recently built that triumph of modern engineering the
Aquitania, which is without doubt the finest vessel ever launched
in these islands. There are several other instances of "vertical"
combinations, all of which illustrate "the tendency towards the
extension of activities and the acquisition of a complete vertical
organisation of production which has resulted from the definite and
deliberate combination — vertically — of firms engaged at different,
though connected, branches of the industries."*
By a study of this present-day tendency towards industrial
combination, some useful lessons may be learned which could be
applied with advantage to the co-operative movement, and I
propose to refer to the matter again in the second part of this
paper. Before, however, concluding the first part, I would like
to make a passing reference to the multiple shop, which is one
of the greatest competitors the movement has to meet. Here,
again, the tendency towards centralisation is very marked. All
these companies work on the same plan, i.e., to establish as
many retail shops as possible in the various towns and villages, all
of which are worked from the central depot or headquarters, the
goods being purchased in bulk and distributed to the various
branches for sale to the public. By the large quantities they are
enabled to purchase in order to supply their various shops they
are in a position to obtain their supplies at a cheaper rate, and
are thus able to cut prices until they have worked up a trade.
When they go into a new district they can afford to undersell other
traders for a time until they have secured a connection, as the
profits they make in other districts will more than outweigh any
* Carter, The Tendency Towards Industrial CombinatioJi.
530
The Cost of Living.
loss they may sustain in one. In some instances these shops will
sell several articles at cost price in order to attract customers, and
at the same time make huge profits out of the sale of articles
which are either packed or produced by the company itself. Some
of these companies confine their operations to one or two particular
commodities, and make a speciality of these. The enormous
quantities they can buy at a time, and the fact that, in some cases,
they are the producers of the articles in question, enables them
to successfully compete with other traders and yet make huge
profits and pay handsome dividends to their shareholders. One and
all they have reduced the cost of distribution to a minimum by
their methods of organisation, and in some cases have realised the
advantages of manufacturing and producing the goods in which
they deal in order that the otherwise intermediate profit may find
its way into their own coffers. This pohcy ensures high dividends
for the shareholders, which is "the goal at which they aim. The
consumer, who by his purchases makes these high profits, does not
benefit at all. It is he who lines the pockets of the shareholders,
or, in other words, the capitalists, who thus exploit him for their
own ends.
I have endeavoured to show in the foregoing pages how, and to
what extent, prices have increased, and some of the causes therefor.
In the latter portion I have deviated somewhat from the straight
path, and have discussed at some length matters which perhaps
are iiot strictly relevant to the subject-matter of this paper; but
my reason for so doing was to show how the capitalistic concerns
have reahsed that, by combination and concentration, they can
cheapen the cost of production and distribution in order to make
a better return on the capital invested. All these combinations,
whether they be trusts, combines, or multiple shops, have but
one end in view, i.e., to make as much profit as possible for those
who have found the capital to carry on the business. These profits
in the end come out of the pocket of the consumer, and it now
remains to be seen whether or not some of these profits cannot
be retained by the consumer for himself, and so enable him to
better the conditions under which he lives.
II. Co-operation as a Factor in the Fixing of Prices.
Having shown how the cost of living has increased, we will
now consider whether there is any remedy for the present state of
affairs, and, if so, how it is to be applied. We have seen how,
within recent years, there has been a growing tendency among
capitalistic concerns to combine for trading and manufacturing
purposes. So long as we have to rely upon the present capitalistic
system there would appear to be no likelihood of relief to any
great extent. The shareholders of these concerns are themselves
531
• The Cost of Living.
capitalists, and, of course, demand the highest possible return for
their money. This does not tend to any reduction in prices —
rather the reverse, as the level of prices must be maintained in
order to pay the dividends. Further, the people who have money
to invest in these concerns are not those who are hit the hardest
by the increased cost of living. Their incomes are, for the most
part, sufficiently large to render them practically independent of
any ordinary rise, and, moreover, such rise is probably more than
compensated for by the increased dividends they receive upon the
capital they have invested. The consumer is exploited on every
hand. He is entirely at the mercy of those who produce and
distribute the necessaries of life, who may fix the price from the
raw material upwards at whatever amount they like. Competition
has to a certain extent kept the level of prices down, and the
consumer has been safeguarded; but now the keenness of
competition is bringing about combination, its retarding effect
will be gone, and the consumer will probably be in a worse
position in the future than he is to-day, as the capitalistic
combinations will have acquired such power as to be able to dictate
their own terms. Those who suffer the most in this respect are
the working classes, in whose case every shilling makes the
difference between comparative comfort and continuous anxiety,
and the spending power of whose wages is reduced by every
increase in the price of commodities. It follows, then, that any
attempt to ameliorate their condition must spring from the working
classes themselves, and if they could only be brought to understand
to the full their true position and the immense power they possess,
in a collective sense, much might be accomplished. One man,
or even a group of men, here and there working only for their
own ends, and to satisfy their own immediate needs, can,
comparatively speaking, do very little; but six million men, with
a capital of £1 each, are in just as good a position for carrying
on a business as six men who put £1,000,000 each into a trust.
But there is this difference : in the one case the profits are divided
among the six millions, whilst in the other the six add to their
already great possessions by the profits they make out of the
consumer. It is only by combination, then, that the consumer
can do anything at all to improve his condition. There seems,
however, to be a certain mistrust of combination on a large scale
for business purposes among the workers — perhaps it is because
they are so afraid of losing their individuality. If that is the
case, and they decline to open their eyes to the exigencies of
modern, conditions, then I am very much afraid they will maintain
their proud isolation at the expense of their well-being for all
time. Now is the time to act ; to-morrow may be too late. It
has already been pointed out that trusts and combines are increasing
and becoming more and more powerful. Huge businesses are
the order of the day owing to the fact that great economies are
532
I
The Cost of Living.
effected thereby. The necessity for reducing the cost of production
under present-day conditions is becoming more and more apparent,
hence the tendency of the large combinations to produce their own
raw material in order to do away with intermediate profits. On
every hand we find these combinations are taking up concessions
of land for the purpose of getting as near as possible to the sources
of supply. Will not this be a powerful weapon in their hands
when the time comes — and come it will — when the co-operative
movement will have to fight for its very existence? If all the
sources of supply are captured by the opponents of the movement,
could they not dictate to the movement the prices it will have to
pay? — nay, could they not refuse to supply the movement at all,
and so crush it for ever? This is not without the bounds
of possibility. What is to be the position of the co-operative
movement in the future? Sooner or later, unless strong measures
are taken to make its position secure, the movement will run a
serious risk of being crushed to the wall by the forces combined
against it. Therefore, it behoves those who are responsible for
the welfare of the movement to guard jealously the heritage which
has been handed down by those who have gone before. The
times through which we are moving are as critical to the movement
as any through which it has passed. Whereas, in the beginning,
its opponents looked upon it with a sort of tolerant amusement,
they now realise w^hat a force the movement has become. On all
sides combinations are being formed to fight it and to arrest its
progress. As one instance of this I would quote the action of the
Proprietary Articles Traders' Association, which is insisting that
co-operative societies shall not sell proprietary articles at the
same price as other traders, and at the same time pay a dividend
on the purchases of such articles. Is not this striking at the
bed-rock principle of co-operation? How can the movement
defend itself against these attacks? There appears to be but
one way. The movement itself must manufacture these articles ;
and as regards the broader question it must get at the sources
of supply and grow the raw materials for its own factories
before it is too late; otherwise such sources will be closed to it,
and it will be compelled to buy in the open market at prohibitive
prices, or else find the market closed to it altogether. True, the
C.W.S. recently sent deputations to West Africa and ro Assam,
and as a result great things may be accomplished; but, in order
to do real and lasting good, operations must necessarily be on a
much larger, scale. Concessions of land can be obtained in all
our colonies, in all climates, suitable for growing all requirements
so far as the raw material is concerned. Such raw material could
be used by the movement in its own factories, through all the
processes of manufacture to the finished article for sale in its
own shops. Thus the movement might progress until it had made
itself independent, self-supporting, and self-contained. All this of
533
The Cost of Living.
course requires money, and the question arise 
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